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Hooked, CH04 VARIABLE REWARD

CH04 VARIABLE REWARD

4. VARIABLE REWARD

Ultimately, all businesses help users achieve an objective. As we learned in the previous chapter, reducing the steps needed to complete the intended outcome increases the likelihood of that outcome. But to keep users engaged, products need to deliver on their promises. To form the learned associations we discussed in the chapter on triggers, users must come to depend on the product as a reliable solution to their problem — the salve for the itch they came to scratch.

The third step in the Hook Model is the Variable Reward phase. In this phase, you reward your users by solving a problem, reinforcing their motivation for the action taken in the previous phase. But to understand why rewards — and variable rewards in particular — are so powerful, we must first take a trip deep inside the brain.

Understanding Rewards

In the 1940s, two researchers named James Olds and Peter Milner accidentally discovered how a special area of the brain is the source of our cravings. The researchers implanted electrodes in the brains of lab mice that enabled the mice to give themselves tiny electric shocks to a small area of the brain called the nucleus accumbens.

[lxix] The mice quickly became hooked on the sensation.

Olds and Milner demonstrated that the lab mice would forgo food, water, and even run across a painful electrified grid for the opportunity to continue pressing the lever that administered the shocks. A few years later, other researchers tested the human response to self-administered stimulus in the same area of the brain. The results were just as dramatic as in the mouse trial — subjects wanted to do nothing but press the brain-stimulating button. Even when the machine was turned off, people continued pressing the button. Researchers even had to forcibly take the devices from subjects who refused to relinquish them.

Given the responses they had earlier demonstrated from lab animals, Olds and Milner concluded that they had discovered the brain's pleasure center. In fact, we now know other things that feel good also activate the same neural region. Sex, delicious food, a bargain, and even our digital devices all tap into this deep recess of the brain, providing the impetus for many of our behaviors.

However, more recent research has shown that Olds and Milner's experiments were not stimulating pleasure per se. Stanford Professor Brian Knutson, conducted a study exploring blood flow in the brains of people wagering while inside of an fMRI machine.

[lxx] The test subjects played a gambling game while Knutson and his team looked at which areas of their brains became more active. The startling results showed that the nucleus accumbens was not activating when the reward (in this case a monetary payout) was received, but rather, in anticipation of it.

The study revealed that what draws us to act is not the sensation we receive from the reward itself, but the need to alleviate the craving for that reward. The stress of desire in the brain appears to compel us, just as it did in Olds' and Milner's lab mouse experiments. Understanding Variability

If you've never watched a YouTube video of a baby's first encounter with a dog, it's worth doing. Not only are these videos incredibly cute, but they help demonstrate something important about our mental wiring.

At first, the expression on the baby's face seems to ask, “What is this hairy monster doing in my house? Will it hurt me? What will it do next?” The child is filled with curiosity, uncertain if this creature might cause harm. But soon the child figures out Rover is not a threat. What follows is an explosion of infectious giggles. Researchers believe laughter may in fact be a release valve when we experience the discomfort and excitement of uncertainty, but without fear of harm.

[lxxi]

What we do not see in the videos is what happens over time. A few years later, what was once thrilling about Rover, no longer holds the child's attention in the same way. The child has learned to predict the dog's behavior and no longer finds the pup quite as entertaining. By now, the child's mind is occupied with dump trucks, fire engines, bicycles, and new toys that stimulate the senses — until they too become predictable. Without variability, we are like children in that once we figure out what will happen next, we become less excited by the experience. The same rules that apply to puppies also apply to products. To hold our attention, products must have an ongoing degree of novelty.

Our brains have evolved over millennia to help us figure out how things work. Once we understand causal relationships, we retain that information in memory. Our habits are simply the brain's ability to quickly retrieve the appropriate behavioral response to a routine or process we have already learned. Habits help us conserve our attention for other things while we go about the tasks we perform with little or no conscious thought.

However, when something breaks the cause-and-effect pattern we've come to expect — when we encounter something outside the norm — we suddenly become aware of it again. [lxxii] Novelty sparks our interest, makes us pay attention, and — like a baby encountering a friendly dog for the first time — we seem to love it.

Rewards of the Tribe, Hunt, and Self

In the 1950s, psychologist B.F. Skinner conducted experiments to understand how variability impacted animal behavior.

[lxxiii] First, Skinner placed pigeons inside a box rigged to deliver a food pellet to the birds every time they pressed a lever. Similar to Olds' and Milner's lab mice, the pigeons learned the cause-and-effect relationship between pressing the lever and receiving the food. In the next part of the experiment, Skinner added variability. Instead of providing a pellet every time a pigeon tapped the lever, the machine discharged food after a random number of taps. Sometimes the lever would dispense food, sometimes not. Skinner revealed that the intermittent reward dramatically increased the number of times the pigeons tapped the lever. Adding variability increased the frequency of the pigeons completing the intended action.

Skinner's pigeons tell us a great deal about what helps drive our own behaviors. More recent experiments reveal that variability increases activity in the nucleus accumbens and spikes levels of the neurotransmitter dopamine, driving our hungry search for rewards.

[lxxiv] Researchers observed increased dopamine levels in the nucleus accumbens in experiments involving monetary rewards as well as in a study of heterosexual men viewing images of attractive women's faces. [lxxv]

Variable rewards can be found in all sorts of products and experiences that hold our attention. They fuel our drive to check email, browse the web, or bargain-shop. I propose that variable rewards come in three types: Tribe, hunt and self (figure 20). Habit-forming products utilize one or more of these variable reward types.

Figure 20

Rewards of the Tribe

We are a species that depends on each other. Rewards of the tribe, or social rewards, are driven by our connectedness with other people. Our brains are adapted to seek rewards that make us feel accepted, attractive, important, and included. Many of our institutions and industries are built around this need for social reinforcement. From civic and religious groups to spectator sports and “watercooler” television shows, the need to feel social connectedness shapes our values and drives much of how we spend our time.

It is no surprise that social media has exploded in popularity. Facebook, Twitter, Pinterest, and several other sites collectively provide over a billion people with powerful social rewards on a variable schedule. With every post, tweet, or pin, users anticipate social validation. Rewards of the tribe keep users coming back, wanting more.

Sites that leverage tribal rewards benefit from what psychologist Albert Bandura called “social learning theory.”

[lxxvi] Bandura studied the power of modeling and ascribed special powers to our ability to learn from others. In particular, Bandura showed that people who observe someone being rewarded for a particular behavior are more likely to alter their own beliefs and subsequent actions. Notably, Bandura also showed that this technique works particularly well when people observe the behavior of people most like themselves, or those who are slightly more experienced (and, therefore, role models).

[lxxvii] This is exactly the kind of targeted demographic and interest-level segmentation that social media companies such as Facebook and industry-specific sites such as Stack Overflow selectively apply.

Here are some online examples of rewards of the tribe:

Facebook

Facebook provides numerous examples of variable social rewards. Logging-in reveals an endless stream of content friends have shared, comments from others, and running tallies of how many people have “liked” something (figure 21). The uncertainty of what users will find each time they visit the site creates the intrigue needed to pull them back again.

While variable content gets users to keep searching for interesting tidbits in their Newsfeeds, a click of the “Like” button provides a variable reward for the content's creators. “Likes” and comments offer tribal validation for those who shared the content, and provide variable rewards that motivate them to continue posting.

Figure 21

Stack Overflow

Stack Overflow is the world's largest question-and-answer site for software developers. As with other user-generated content sites such as Quora, Wikipedia, and YouTube, all of Stack Overflow's content is created voluntarily by people who use the site. A staggering 5,000 answers to questions are generated per day by site members. Many of these responses provide detailed, highly technical and time-consuming answers. But why do so many people spend so much time doing all this work for free? What motivates them to invest the effort into what others may see as the burdensome task of writing technical documentation?

Stack Overflow devotees write responses in anticipation of rewards of the tribe. Each time a user submits an answer, other members have the opportunity to vote the response up or down. The best responses percolate upwards, accumulating points for their authors (figure 22). When they reach certain point levels, members earn badges, which confer special status and privileges. Of course, the process of accumulating upvotes (and, therefore, points and badges) is highly variable — no one knows how many they will receive from the community when responding to a question.

Figure 22

Stack Overflow works because, like all of us, software engineers find satisfaction in contributing to a community they care about; and the element of variability turns a seemingly mundane task into an engaging, game-like experience. But on Stack Overflow, points are not just an empty game mechanic, they confer special value by representing how much someone has contributed to their tribe. Users enjoy the feeling of helping their fellow programmers and earning the respect of people whose opinions they value.

League of Legends

League of Legends, a popular computer game, launched in 2009 and quickly achieved tremendous success. But soon after its launch, the game's owners found they had a serious problem: The online video game was filled with “trolls” — people who enjoyed bullying other players while being protected by the anonymity the game provides. Soon, League of Legends earned a nasty reputation for having an “unforgiving — even abusive — community.”

[lxxviii] A leading industry publication wrote, “League of Legends has become well known for at least two things: proving the power of the free-to-play model in the West and a vicious player community.”

[lxxix]

To combat the trolls, the game creators designed a reward system leveraging Bandura's social learning theory, which they called Honor Points (figure 23). The system gave players the ability to award points for particularly sportsmanlike conduct worthy of recognition. These virtual kudos encouraged positive behavior and helped the best and most cooperative players to stand out in the community. The number of points earned was highly variable and could only be conferred by other players. Honor Points soon became a coveted marker of tribe-conferred status and helped weed out trolls by signaling to others which players should be avoided.

Figure 23

Rewards of the Hunt

For years, scientists have tried to answer a central question of human evolution: How did early humans hunt for food? Most evolutionary biologists agree that consuming animal protein was a significant milestone that led to better nutrition and, ultimately, bigger brains but the tactical details of the hunt remain hazy.

[lxxx] We know our ancestors handcrafted spears and arrows for hunting, but evidence shows that these weapons were only invented 500,000 years ago,

[lxxxi] whereas we've been eating meat for over 2 million years. [lxxxii] How then, did we hunt during the first 75 percent of our existence?

According to Harvard evolutionary biologist Daniel Lieberman, we chased down our dinner. Early humans killed animals using a technique known as “persistence hunting,” a practice still common among today's few remaining pre-agrarian societies. One of these groups, the San people of Southern Africa, hunt for kudu, a large deer-like animal, using a technique similar to the way Lieberman believes humans hunted for the vast majority of our species' history. The way we evolved to hunt wild game may help explain why we find ourselves compelled to use certain products today.

In Africa, the chase begins when a group of San hunters separate a large kudu bull from the herd. The animal's heavy antlers slows him down, making him less agile than the female kudus. Once the animal is isolated from the pack, a single San hunter begins the hunt, keeping a steady pace as the animal leaps ahead in fear. At first, it appears the man will never catch up to the bounding beast. At times he struggles to keep the animal in sight through the dry brush.

But the hunter knows he can use the animal's weaknesses to his advantage. The powerful kudu is much faster in short sprints, but the kudu's skin is covered with fur and can not dissipate heat like the runner's skin can. According to Lieberman, “Quadrupeds can not pant and gallop at the same time.”

[lxxxiii] So while the kudu must stop to catch his breath, the hunter begins closing in, not to catch it but to run it to exhaustion.

After being tracked for a sweltering eight hours under the African sun, the beast is finally ready to give up, collapsing in surrender with barely a struggle. The meager hundred-pound San hunter outlasts the powerful 500 pound beast with little more than his persistence and the biomechanical gifts evolution has given him. The hunter swiftly and ceremoniously kills his prize, piercing a vein in the animal's neck so that he can feed his children and his tribe. By running on two feet and bereft of the body hair typical of other primates, our species gained a massive advantage over larger mammals. Our ability to maintain steady pursuit gave us the capacity to hunt large prehistoric game. But persistence hunting was not only made possible because of our bodies; changes in our brains also played a significant role.

During the chase, the runner is driven by the pursuit itself; and this same mental hardwiring also provides clues into the source of our insatiable desires today. The dogged determination that keeps San hunters chasing kudu is the same mechanism that keeps us wanting and buying. Although it is a long way from bushmen to businessmen, the mental processes of the hunt remain largely the same.

The search for resources defines the next type of variable reward — the rewards of hunt. The need to acquire physical objects, such as food and other supplies that aid our survival, is part of our brain's operating system. But where we once hunted for food, today we hunt for other things. In modern society, food can be bought with cash, and more recently by extension, information translates into money.

Rewards of the hunt existed long before the advent of computers. But today we find numerous examples of variable rewards associated with the pursuit of resources and information that compel us with the same determination as the San hunter chasing his prey.

Here are a few examples of products that create habits by leveraging rewards of the hunt:

Machine Gambling

Most people know that gambling benefits the casino or broker far more than the players. As the old adage says, “the house always wins.” Yet despite this knowledge, the multi-billion dollar gambling industry continues to thrive.

Slot machines provide a classic example of variable rewards of the hunt. Gamblers plunk $1 billion per day into slot machines in American casinos, which is a testament to the machines' power to compel players. [lxxxiv] By awarding money in random intervals, games of chance entice players with the prospect of a jackpot. Of course, winning is entirely outside the gambler's control — yet the pursuit can be intoxicating. Twitter

The “feed” has become a social staple of many online products. The stream of limitless information displayed in a scrolling interface makes for a compelling reward of the hunt. The Twitter timeline, for example, is filled with a mix of both mundane and relevant content. This variety creates an enticingly unpredictable user experience. On occasion a user might find a particularly interesting piece of news, while other times, she won't. But to keep hunting for more information, all that is needed is a flick of the finger or scroll of a mouse. Users scroll and scroll and scroll to search for variable rewards in the form of relevant tweets (figure 24).

Figure 24

Pinterest

Pinterest, a company that has grown to reach over 50 million monthly users worldwide, also employs a feed, but with a visual twist.

[lxxxv] The online pinboarding site is a virtual smorgasbord of objects of desire. The site is curated by its community of users who ensure that a high degree of intriguing content appears on each page.

Pinterest users never know what they will find on the site. To keep them searching and scrolling, the company employs an unusual design. As the user scrolls to the bottom of the page, some images appear to be cut-off. Often, images appear out of view below the browser fold. However, these images offer a glimpse of what's ahead, even if just barely visible. To relieve their curiosity, all users have to do is scroll to reveal the full picture (figure 25). As more images load on the page, the endless search for variable rewards of the hunt continues.

Figure 25

Rewards of the Self

Finally, there are the variable rewards we seek for a more personal form of gratification. We are driven to conquer obstacles, even if just for the satisfaction of doing so. Pursuing a task to completion can influence people to continue all sorts of behaviors.

[lxxxvi] Surprisingly, we even pursue these rewards when we don't outwardly appear to enjoy them. For example, watching someone investing countless hours into completing a tabletop puzzle can reveal frustrated face contortions and even sounds of muttered profanity. Although puzzles offer no prize other than the satisfaction of completion, for some the painstaking search for the right pieces can be a wonderfully mesmerizing struggle.

The rewards of the self are fueled by “intrinsic motivation” as highlighted by the work of Edward Deci and Richard Ryan.

[lxxxvii] Their self-determination theory espouses that people desire, among other things, to gain a sense of competency. Adding an element of mystery to this goal makes the pursuit all the more enticing.

The experiences below offer examples of variable rewards of the self:

Video Games

Rewards of the self are a defining component in video games, as players seek to master the skills needed to pursue their quest. Leveling up, unlocking special powers, and other game mechanics fulfill a player's desire for competency by showing progression and completion. For example, advancing a character through the popular online game World of Warcraft unlocks new abilities for the player (figure 26). The thirst to acquire advanced weaponry, visit uncharted lands, and improve their characters' scores motivates players to invest more hours in the game. Figure 26

Email

You do not have to be a hard-core video gamer to be heavily influenced by game-like experiences. The humble email system provides an example of how the search for mastery, completion, and competence moves users to habitual, sometimes mindless, actions. Have you ever caught yourself checking your email for no particular reason? Perhaps you unconsciously decided to open it to see what messages might be waiting for you. For many, the number of unread messages represents a sort of goal to be completed.

But to feel rewarded, the user must have a sense of accomplishment. Mailbox, an email application acquired by Dropbox in 2013 for a rumored $100 million, aims to solve the frustration of fighting what feels like a losing inbox battle.

[lxxxviii] Mailbox cleverly segments emails into sorted folders to increase the frequency of users achieving “inbox zero” — a near-mystical state of having no unread emails (figure 27). Of course, some of the folder sorting is done through digital sleight-of-hand by pushing some low priority emails out of sight, and then having them reappear at a later date. But by giving users the sense that they are processing their inbox more efficiently, Mailbox delivers something other email clients do not — a feeling of completion and mastery.

Figure 27

Codecademy

Learning to program is not easy. Software engineers take months, if not years, of diligent hard work before they have the confidence and skill to write useful code. Many people attempt to learn how to write software, only to give up, frustrated at the tedious process of learning a new computer language.

Codecademy seeks to make learning to write code more fun and rewarding. The site offers step-by-step instructions for building a web app, animation, and even a browser-based game. The interactive lessons deliver immediate feedback, in contrast to traditional methods of learning to code by writing whole programs. At Codecademy, users can enter a single correct function and the code works or doesn't, providing instant feedback. Learning a new skill is often filled with errors but Codecademy uses the difficulty to its advantage. There is a constant element of the unknown when it comes to completing the task at hand and like a game, users receive variable rewards as they learn — sometimes they succeed, sometimes they fail. But as their competency level improves, users work to advance through levels, mastering the curriculum. Codecademy's symbols of progression and instantaneous variable feedback tap into rewards of the self, turning a difficult path into an engaging challenge (figure 28). Figure 28

*

Important Considerations for Designing Reward Systems

Variable Rewards Are Not a Free Pass

In May 2007, a site called Mahalo.com was born. A flagship feature of the new site was a question-and-answer forum known as Mahalo Answers. Unlike previous Q&A sites, Mahalo utilized a special incentive to get users to ask and answer questions. First, people who submitted a question would offer a bounty in the form of a virtual currency known as “Mahalo Dollars.” Then, other users would contribute answers to the question and the best response would receive the bounty, which could be exchanged for real money. By providing a monetary reward, the Mahalo founders believed they could drive user engagement and form new online user habits.

At first, Mahalo garnered significant attention and traffic. At its high point, 14.1 million users worldwide visited the site monthly.

[lxxxix] But over time, users began to lose interest. Although the payout of the bounties were variable, somehow users did not find the monetary rewards enticing enough.

But as Mahalo struggled to retain users, another Q&A site began to boom. Quora, launched in 2010 by two former Facebook employees, quickly grew in popularity. Unlike Mahalo, Quora did not offer a single cent to anyone answering user questions. Why, then, have users stayed highly engaged with Quora, but not with Mahalo, despite its variable monetary rewards?

In Mahalo's case, executives assumed that paying users would drive repeat engagement with the site. After all, people like money, right? Unfortunately, Mahalo had an incomplete understanding of its users' drivers. Ultimately, the company found that people did not want to use a Q&A site to make money. If the trigger was a desire for monetary rewards, the user was better off spending their time earning an hourly wage. And if the payouts were meant to take the form of a game, like a slot machine, then the rewards came far too infrequently and were too small to matter.

However, Quora demonstrated that social rewards and the variable reinforcement of recognition from peers proved to be much more frequent and salient motivators. Quora instituted an upvoting system that reports user satisfaction with answers and provides a steady stream of social feedback. Quora's social rewards have proven more attractive than Mahalo's monetary rewards. Only by understanding what truly matters to users can a company correctly match the right variable reward to their intended behavior.

Recently, “gamification” — defined as the use of game-like elements in non-gaming environments — has been used with varying success. Points, badges, and leaderboards can prove effective, but only if they scratch the user's itch. When there is a mismatch between the customer's problem and the company's assumed solution, no amount of gamification will help spur engagement. Likewise, if the user has no ongoing itch at all — say, no need to return repeatedly to a site that lacks any value beyond the initial visit — gamification will fail because of a lack of inherent interest in the product or service offered. In other words, gamification is not a one-size-fits-all solution for driving user engagement.

Variable rewards are not magic fairy dust that a product designer can sprinkle onto a product to make it instantly more attractive. Rewards must fit into the narrative of why the product is used and align with the user's internal triggers and motivations. Maintain a Sense of Autonomy

Quora found success by connecting the right reward to the intended behavior of asking and answering questions. But in August 2012, the company committed a very public blunder — one that illustrates another important consideration when using variable rewards.

In an effort to increase user engagement, Quora introduced a new feature called “views,” which revealed the real identity of people visiting a particular question or answer. For users, the feedback of knowing who was seeing content they added to the site proved very intriguing. Users could now know, for example, when a celebrity or prominent venture capital investor viewed something they created.

However, the feature ultimately backfired. Quora automatically opted users into the new feature without alerting them that their browsing history on the site would be exposed to others. In an instant, users lost their treasured anonymity when asking, answering, or simply viewing Quora questions that were personal, awkward, or intimate.

[xc] The move sparked a user revolt and Quora reversed course a few weeks later, making the feature explicitly opt-in.

[xci]

In the case of Quora, the change felt forced and bordered on coercion. While influencing behavior can be a part of good product design, heavy-handed efforts can have adverse consequences and risk losing users' trust. We'll address the morality of manipulation in a later chapter — but aside from the ethical considerations, there is an important point regarding the psychological role of autonomy and how it can impact user engagement. As part of a French study, researchers wanted to know if they could influence how much money people handed to a total stranger asking for bus fare by using just a few specially encoded words. They discovered a technique so simple and effective it doubled the amount people gave.

The turn of phrase has not only proven to increase how much bus fare people give, but has also been effective in boosting charitable donations and participation in voluntary surveys. In fact, a recent meta-analysis of 42 studies involving over 22,000 participants concluded that these few words, placed at the end of a request, are a highly-effective way to gain compliance, doubling the likelihood of people saying “yes.”

[xcii]

The magic words the researchers discovered? The phrase, “but you are free to accept or refuse.”

The “but you are free” technique demonstrates how we are more likely to be persuaded when our ability to choose is reaffirmed. Not only was the effect observed during face-to-face interactions, but also over email. Although the research did not directly look at how products and services might use the technique, the study provides an important insight into how companies maintain or lose the user's attention. Why does reminding people of their freedom to choose, as demonstrated in the French bus fare study, prove so effective?

The researchers believe the phrase “but you are free” disarms our instinctive rejection of being told what to do. If you have ever grumbled at your mother telling you to put on a coat or felt your blood pressure rise when your boss micro-manages you, you have experienced what psychologists call “reactance,” the hair-trigger response to threats to your autonomy.

However, when a request is coupled with an affirmation of the right to choose, reactance is kept at bay. But can the principles of autonomy and reactance carry over into the way products change user behavior and drive the formation of new user habits? Here are two examples to make the case that they do, but of course, you are free to make up your mind for yourself.

Take, for example, establishing the habit of better nutrition, a common goal for many Americans. Searching in the Apple App Store for the word “diet” returns 3,235 apps, all promising to help users shed extra pounds. The first app in the long list is MyFitnessPal, whose iOS app is rated by over 350,000 people.

A year ago when I decided to lose a few pounds, I installed the app and gave it a try. MyFitnessPal is simple enough to use. The app asked me to log what I ate and presented me with a calorie score based on my weight loss goal.

For a few days, I stuck with the program and diligently input information about everything I ate. Had I been a person who logs food with pen and paper, MyFitnessPal would have been a welcome improvement.

However, I was not a calorie tracker prior to using MyFitnessPal and although using the app was novel at first, it soon became a drag. Keeping a food diary was not part of my daily routine and was not something I came to the app wanting to do. I wanted to lose weight and the app was telling me how to do it with its strict method of tracking calories in and calories out. Unfortunately, I soon found that forgetting to enter a meal made it impossible to get back on the program – the rest of my day was a nutritional wash.

Soon, I began to feel obligated to confess my mealtime transgressions to my phone. MyFitnessPal became MyFitnessPain. Yes, I had chosen to install the app at first, but despite my best intentions, my motivation faded and using the app became a chore. Adopting a weird new behavior — calorie tracking, in my case — felt like something I had to do, not something I wanted to do. My only options were to comply or quit. So I quit.

On the other hand Fitocracy, another health app, approaches behavior change very differently. The goal of the app is similar to its competitors — to help people establish better diet and exercise routines. However, it leverages familiar behaviors users want to do, instead of have to do.

At first, the Fitocracy experience is similar to other health apps, encouraging new members to track their food consumption and exercise. But where Fitocracy differentiates itself is in its recognition that most users will quickly fall off the wagon, just as I had with MyFitnessPal, unless the app taps into existing autonomous behavior.

Before my reactance alarm went off, I started receiving kudos from other members of the site after entering my very first run. Curious to know who was sending the virtual encouragement, I logged in. There, I immediately saw a question from “mrosplock5,” a woman looking for advice on what to do about knee pain from running. Having experienced similar trouble several years back, I left a quick reply: “Running barefoot (or with minimalist shoes) eliminated my knee pains. Strange but true!”

I have not used Fitocracy for long, but it is easy to see how someone could get hooked. Fitocracy is first and foremost an online community. The app roped me in by closely mimicking real-world gym jabber among friends. The ritual of connecting with like-minded people existed long before Fitocracy, and the company leverages this behavior by making it easier and more rewarding to share encouragement, exchange advice, and receive praise. In fact, a recent study found social factors were the most important reasons people used the service and recommended it to others.

[xciii]

Social acceptance is something we all crave, and Fitocracy leverages the universal need for connection as an on-ramp to fitness, making new tools and features available to users as they develop new habits. The choice for the Fitocracy user is therefore between the old way of doing an existing behavior and the company's tailored solution for easing the user into healthy new habits. To be fair, MyFitnessPal also has social features intended to keep members engaged. However, as opposed to Fitocracy, the benefits of interacting with the community come much later in the user experience, if ever.

Clearly, it is too early to tell which among the multitudes of new wellness apps and products will emerge victorious, but the fact remains that the most successful consumer technologies — those that have altered the daily behaviors of hundreds of millions of people — are the ones that nobody makes us use. Perhaps part of the appeal of sneaking in a few minutes on Facebook or checking scores on ESPN.com is our access to a moment of pure autonomy – an escape from being told what to do by bosses and co-workers.

Unfortunately, too many companies build their products betting users will do what they make them do instead of letting them do what they want to do. Companies fail to change user behaviors because they do not make their services enjoyable for its own sake, often asking users to learn new, unfamiliar actions instead of making old routines easier.

Companies that successfully change behaviors present users with an implicit choice between their old way of doing things and a new, more convenient way to fulfill existing needs. By maintaining the users' freedom to choose, products can facilitate the adoption of new habits and change behavior for good. Whether coerced into doing something we did not intend, as was the case when Quora opted-in all users to its “views” feature, or feeling forced to adopt a strange new calorie counting behavior on MyFitnessPal, people often feel constrained by threats to their autonomy and rebel. To change behavior, products must ensure the users feel in control. People must want to use the service, not feel they have to.

Beware of Finite Variability

In 2008, a television series called Breaking Bad began receiving unprecedented critical and popular acclaim. The show followed the life of Walter White, a high school chemistry teacher who transforms himself into a crystal meth-cooking drug lord. As the body count on the show piled up season after season, so did its viewership.

[xciv] The first episode of the final season in 2013 attracted 5.9 million viewers and by the end of the series Guinness World Records dubbed it the highest-rated TV series of all time.

[xcv] Although Breaking Bad owes a great deal of its success to its talented cast and crew, fundamentally the program utilized a simple formula to keep people tuning in.

At the heart of every episode — and also across each season's narrative arc — is a problem the characters must resolve. For example, during an episode in the first season, Walter White must find a way to dispose of the bodies of two rival drug dealers. Challenges prevent resolution of the conflict and suspense is created as the audience waits to find out how the storyline ends. In this particular episode, White discovers one of the drug dealers is still alive and is faced with the dilemma of having to kill someone he thought was already dead. Invariably, each episode's central conflict is resolved near the end of the show, at which time a new challenge arises to pique the viewer's curiosity. By design, the only way to know how Walter gets out of the mess he is in at the end of the latest episode is to watch the next episode.

The cycle of conflict, mystery and resolution is as old as storytelling itself, and at the heart of every good tale is variability. The unknown is fascinating and strong stories hold our attention by waiting to reveal what happens next. In a phenomenon called “experience-taking,” researchers have shown that people who read a story about a character actually feel what the protagonist is feeling.

[xcvi] As we step into the character's shoes we experience his or her motivations — including the search for rewards of the tribe, hunt and self. We empathize with characters because they are driven by the same things that drive us.

But if the search to resolve uncertainty is such a powerful tool of engagement, why do we eventually lose interest in the things that once riveted us? Many people have experienced the intense focus of being hooked on a TV series, a great book, a new video game or even the latest gadget. Yet, most of us lose interest in a few days or week's time. Why does the power of variable rewards seem to fade away?

Perhaps no company in recent memory epitomizes the mercurial nature of variable rewards quite like Zynga, makers of the hit Facebook game FarmVille. In 2009, FarmVille became an unmissable part of the global zeitgeist. The game smashed records as it quickly reached 83.8 million monthly active users by leveraging the Facebook platform to acquire new players.

[xcvii] In 2010, as “farmers” tended their digital crops — while paying real money for virtual goods and levels — the company generated more than $36 million in revenue.

[xcviii]

The company seemed invincible and set a course for growth by cloning its FarmVille success into a franchise. Zynga soon released CityVille, ChefVille, FrontierVille, and several more “-Ville” titles using familiar game mechanics in the hope that people would enjoy them as voraciously as they had FarmVille. By March 2012, Zynga's stock was flying high and the company was valued at over $10 billion. But by November of that same year, the stock was down over 80 percent. It turned out that Zynga's new games were not really new at all. The company had simply re-skinned FarmVille, and soon players had lost interest and investors followed suit. What was once novel and intriguing became rote and boring. The “Villes” had lost their variability, and with it, their viability.

As the Zynga story demonstrates, an element of mystery is an important component of continued user interest. Online games like FarmVille suffer from what I call “finite variability” — an experience that becomes predictable after use. While Breaking Bad built suspense over time as the audience wondered how the series would end, eventually interest in the show would wane when it finally concluded. The series enthralled viewers with each new episode, but now that it is all over, how many people who saw it once will watch it again? With the plot lines known and the central mysteries revealed, the show just won't seem as interesting the second time around. Perhaps the show might resurrect interest with a new episode in the future, but viewership for old episodes people have already seen will never peak as it did when they were new. Experiences with finite variability become less engaging because they eventually become predictable.

Businesses with finite variability are not inferior per se, they just operate under different constraints. They must constantly churn out new content and experiences to cater to their consumers' insatiable desire for novelty. It is no coincidence that both Hollywood and the video gaming industry operate under what is called the “studio model,” whereby a deep-pocketed company provides backing and distribution to a portfolio of movies or games, uncertain which one will become the next mega-hit.

This is in contrast with companies making products exhibiting “infinite variability” — experiences that maintain user interest by sustaining variability with use. For example, games played to completion offer finite variability while those played with others people have higher degrees of infinite variability because the players themselves alter the game-play throughout. World of Warcraft, the world's most popular massively multiplayer online role-playing game, still captures the attention of more than 10 million active users eight years after its first release. [xcix] While FarmVille is played mostly in solitude, World of Warcraft is played with teams and it is the hard-to-predict behavior of other people that keeps the game interesting.

While content consumption, like watching a TV show, is an example of finite variability, content creation is infinitely variable. Sites like Dribbble, a platform for designers and artists to showcase their work, exemplify the longer-lasting engagement that comes from infinite variability. On the site, contributors share their designs in search of feedback from other artists. As new trends and design patterns change, so do Dribbble's pages. The variety of what Dribbble users can create is limitless, and the constantly changing site always offers new surprises.

Platforms like YouTube, Facebook, Pinterest and Twitter all leverage user-generated content to provide visitors with a never-ending stream of newness. Of course, even sites utilizing infinite variability are not guaranteed to hold onto users forever. Eventually — to borrow from Michael Lewis's title — the “new, new thing” comes along and consumers migrate to it for the reasons discussed in earlier chapters. However, products utilizing infinite variability stand a better chance of holding onto users' attention, while those with finite variability must constantly reinvent themselves just to keep pace. Which Rewards Should You Offer?

Fundamentally, variable reward systems must satisfy users' needs, while leaving them wanting to re-engage. The most habit-forming products and services utilize one or more of the three variable rewards types of tribe, hunt and self. In fact, many habit-forming products offer multiple variable rewards.

Email, for example, utilizes all three variable reward types. What subconsciously compels us to check our email? First, there is uncertainty surrounding who might be sending us a message. We have a social obligation to respond to emails and a desire to be seen as agreeable (rewards of the tribe). We may also be curious about what information is in the email. Perhaps something related to our career or business awaits us? Checking email informs us of opportunities or threats to our material possessions and livelihood (rewards of the hunt). Lastly, email is in itself a task — challenging us to sort, categorize and act to eliminate unread messages. We are motivated by the uncertain nature of our fluctuating email count and feel compelled to gain control of our inbox (rewards of the self).

As B.F. Skinner discovered over 50 years ago, variable rewards are a powerful inducement to repeat actions. Understanding what moves users to return to habit-forming products gives designers an opportunity to build products that align with their interests.

However, simply giving users what they want is not enough to create a habit-forming product. The feedback loop of the first three steps of the hook — trigger, action and variable reward — still misses a final critical phase. In the next chapter, we will learn how getting people to invest their time, effort, or social equity in your product is a requirement for repeat use.

*

Remember and Share

- Variable Reward is the third phase of the Hook Model, and there are three types of variable rewards: tribe, hunt and self.

- Rewards of the tribe is the search for social rewards fueled by connectedness with other people.

- Rewards of the hunt is the search for material resources and information.

- Rewards of the self is the search for intrinsic rewards of mastery, competence, and completion.

- When our autonomy is threatened, we feel constrained by our lack of choices and often rebel against doing a new behavior. Psychologists call this “reactance.” Maintaining a sense of user autonomy is a requirement for repeat engagement.

- Experiences with finite variability become increasingly predictable with use and lose their appeal over time. Experiences that maintain user interest by sustaining variability with use exhibit infinite variability.

- Variable rewards must satisfy users' needs, while leaving them wanting to re-engage with the product. *

Do This Now

Refer to the answers you came up with in the last “Do This Now” section to complete the following exercises:

- Speak with five of your customers in an open-ended interview to identify what they find enjoyable or encouraging about using your product. Are there any moments of delight or surprise? Is there anything they find particularly satisfying about using the product?

- Review the steps your customer takes to use your product or service habitually. What outcome (reward) alleviates the user's pain? Is the reward fulfilling, yet leaves the user wanting more?

- Brainstorm three ways your product might heighten users' search for variable rewards using: - Rewards of the Tribe - gratification from others

- Rewards of the Hunt - things, money or information

- Rewards of the Self - mastery, completion, competency or consistency

CH04 VARIABLE REWARD CH04 VARIABLE BELOHNUNG CH04 RECOMPENSA VARIABLE CH04 RÉCOMPENSE VARIABLE CH04 PREMIO VARIABILE ch04変動報酬 CH04 가변 보상 CH04 KINTAMASIS ATLYGIS CH04 VARIABELE BELONING CH04 ZMIENNA NAGRODA CH04 PRÉMIO VARIÁVEL CH04 ПЕРЕМЕННОЕ ВОЗНАГРАЖДЕНИЕ CH04 DEĞIŞKEN ÖDÜL CH04 ЗМІННА ВИНАГОРОДА CH04 可变奖励 CH04 可变奖励

4\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\. VARIABLE REWARD

Ultimately, all businesses help users achieve an objective. As we learned in the previous chapter, reducing the steps needed to complete the intended outcome increases the likelihood of that outcome. But to keep users engaged, products need to deliver on their promises. To form the learned associations we discussed in the chapter on triggers, users must come to depend on the product as a reliable solution to their problem — the salve for the itch they came to scratch.

The third step in the Hook Model is the Variable Reward phase. In this phase, you reward your users by solving a problem, reinforcing their motivation for the action taken in the previous phase. But to understand why rewards — and variable rewards in particular — are so powerful, we must first take a trip deep inside the brain.

Understanding Rewards

In the 1940s, two researchers named James Olds and Peter Milner accidentally discovered how a special area of the brain is the source of our cravings. The researchers implanted electrodes in the brains of lab mice that enabled the mice to give themselves tiny electric shocks to a small area of the brain called the nucleus accumbens. 研究人员在实验室老鼠的大脑中植入电极,使老鼠能够给自己在被称为伏核的小脑区域施加微小电击。

[lxix] The mice quickly became hooked on the sensation. 老鼠很快就对这种感觉上瘾了。

Olds and Milner demonstrated that the lab mice would forgo food, water, and even run across a painful electrified grid for the opportunity to continue pressing the lever that administered the shocks. Olds and Milner demonstrated that the lab mice would forgo food, water, and even run across a painful electrified grid for the opportunity to continue pressing the lever that administered the shocks. Olds ve Milner, laboratuvar farelerinin şok veren kola basmaya devam edebilmek için yemekten, sudan vazgeçtiklerini ve hatta acı verici bir elektrik şebekesinin üzerinden koştuklarını göstermiştir. 奥尔兹和米尔纳证明,实验室老鼠宁愿放弃食物、水,甚至穿过痛苦的通电栅栏,以继续按压施放电击的杆。 A few years later, other researchers tested the human response to self-administered stimulus in the same area of the brain. A few years later, other researchers tested the human response to self-administered stimulus in the same area of the brain. Birkaç yıl sonra, diğer araştırmacılar beynin aynı bölgesinde insanın kendi kendine verilen uyarana verdiği tepkiyi test etti. 几年后,其他研究人员在大脑同一区域测试了人类对自我施用刺激的反应。 The results were just as dramatic as in the mouse trial — subjects wanted to do nothing but press the brain-stimulating button. Sonuçlar fare denemesinde olduğu gibi dramatikti - denekler beyin uyarıcı düğmeye basmaktan başka bir şey yapmak istemiyorlardı. 结果和在老鼠试验中一样引人注目——受试者只想按脑刺激按钮。 Even when the machine was turned off, people continued pressing the button. 即使机器被关闭,人们仍然继续按按钮。 Researchers even had to forcibly take the devices from subjects who refused to relinquish them.

Given the responses they had earlier demonstrated from lab animals, Olds and Milner concluded that they had discovered the brain's pleasure center. Olds ve Milner, daha önce laboratuvar hayvanlarında gösterdikleri tepkileri göz önünde bulundurarak, beynin zevk merkezini keşfettikleri sonucuna vardılar. 根据他们之前展示的实验动物的反应,奥尔兹和米尔纳得出结论他们发现了大脑的愉悦中心。 In fact, we now know other things that feel good also activate the same neural region. 事实上,我们现在知道其他事情,比如性、美味食物、优惠和甚至我们的数字设备也会激活相同的神经区域。 Sex, delicious food, a bargain, and even our digital devices all tap into this deep recess of the brain, providing the impetus for many of our behaviors. 性爱、美味食物、便宜货,甚至我们的数字设备都会触发大脑的这个深处,为我们行为的许多动机提供推动力。

However, more recent research has shown that Olds and Milner's experiments were not stimulating pleasure per se. However, more recent research has shown that Olds and Milner's experiments were not stimulating pleasure per se. Ancak daha yakın zamanda yapılan araştırmalar, Olds ve Milner'ın deneylerinin kendi başına hazzı teşvik etmediğini göstermiştir. 然而,更近期的研究表明奥尔兹和米尔纳的实验并未直接带来快乐。 Stanford Professor Brian Knutson, conducted a study exploring blood flow in the brains of people wagering while inside of an fMRI machine. Stanford Professor Brian Knutson, conducted a study exploring blood flow in the brains of people wagering while inside of an fMRI machine. Stanford-professor Brian Knutson voerde een onderzoek uit naar de bloedstroom in de hersenen van mensen die wedden terwijl ze zich in een fMRI-machine bevonden. Stanford Profesörü Brian Knutson, bir fMRI makinesinin içindeyken bahis oynayan insanların beyinlerindeki kan akışını araştıran bir çalışma yürüttü. 斯坦福大学教授布莱恩·克纳森进行了一项研究,探究人们在fMRI机器内进行赌博时大脑血流情况。

[lxx] The test subjects played a gambling game while Knutson and his team looked at which areas of their brains became more active. [lxx] 测试对象在克纳森及其团队观察下玩赌博游戏,看哪些大脑区域变得更活跃。 The startling results showed that the nucleus accumbens was not activating when the reward (in this case a monetary payout) was received, but rather, in anticipation of it. The startling results showed that the nucleus accumbens was not activating when the reward (in this case a monetary payout) was received, but rather, in anticipation of it. Şaşırtıcı sonuçlar, nükleus akumbensin ödül (bu durumda parasal bir ödeme) alındığında değil, bunun beklentisiyle aktive olduğunu gösterdi. 令人震惊的结果显示,当获得奖励(在这种情况下是货币支付)时,伏隔核并没有被激活,而是在期待中被激活。

The study revealed that what draws us to act is not the sensation we receive from the reward itself, but the need to alleviate the craving for that reward. Çalışma, bizi harekete geçiren şeyin ödülün kendisinden aldığımız his değil, o ödüle duyduğumuz özlemi hafifletme ihtiyacı olduğunu ortaya koydu. 这项研究揭示了吸引我们行动的不是从奖励本身所获得的感觉,而是缓解对那种奖励的渴望的需要。 The stress of desire in the brain appears to compel us, just as it did in Olds' and Milner's lab mouse experiments. 大脑中欲望的压力似乎迫使我们,就像在奥尔兹和米尔纳的实验室老鼠实验中所做的那样。 Understanding Variability

If you've never watched a YouTube video of a baby's first encounter with a dog, it's worth doing. Not only are these videos incredibly cute, but they help demonstrate something important about our mental wiring.

At first, the expression on the baby's face seems to ask, “What is this hairy monster doing in my house? Will it hurt me? What will it do next?” The child is filled with curiosity, uncertain if this creature might cause harm. But soon the child figures out Rover is not a threat. Ancak çocuk kısa sürede Rover'ın bir tehdit olmadığını anlar. What follows is an explosion of infectious giggles. Researchers believe laughter may in fact be a release valve when we experience the discomfort and excitement of uncertainty, but without fear of harm. Araştırmacılar, kahkahanın aslında belirsizliğin rahatsızlığını ve heyecanını yaşadığımızda, ancak zarar görme korkusu olmadan bir tahliye vanası olabileceğine inanıyor. 研究人员认为,笑声实际上可能是一种释放阀,当我们经历不确定性的不适和兴奋时,但又不用担心受伤。

[lxxi] [lxxi]

What we do not see in the videos is what happens over time. 我们在视频中看不到的是随着时间的推移发生了什么。 A few years later, what was once thrilling about Rover, no longer holds the child's attention in the same way. 几年后,罗弗曾经令人兴奋的地方,不再以同样的方式吸引孩子的注意力。 The child has learned to predict the dog's behavior and no longer finds the pup quite as entertaining. 孩子已经学会预测狗的行为,不再觉得小狗那么有趣。 By now, the child's mind is occupied with dump trucks, fire engines, bicycles, and new toys that stimulate the senses — until they too become predictable. 到了现在,孩子的注意力被垃圾车、消防车、自行车和刺激感官的新玩具所吸引 — 直到它们也变得可预测。 Without variability, we are like children in that once we figure out what will happen next, we become less excited by the experience. The same rules that apply to puppies also apply to products. Yavru köpekler için geçerli olan aynı kurallar ürünler için de geçerlidir. 适用于小狗的规则也适用于产品。 To hold our attention, products must have an ongoing degree of novelty. To hold our attention, products must have an ongoing degree of novelty. Dikkatimizi çekmek için, ürünlerin sürekli bir yenilik derecesine sahip olması gerekir. 为了吸引我们的注意力,产品必须具有持续的新颖性程度。

Our brains have evolved over millennia to help us figure out how things work. 我们的大脑在漫长的进化过程中已经帮助我们找出事物如何运作。 Once we understand causal relationships, we retain that information in memory. 一旦我们理解因果关系,我们就会将这些信息保存在记忆中。 Our habits are simply the brain's ability to quickly retrieve the appropriate behavioral response to a routine or process we have already learned. Alışkanlıklarımız basitçe, beynin daha önce öğrendiğimiz bir rutin veya sürece uygun davranışsal tepkiyi hızlı bir şekilde geri getirme yeteneğidir. 我们的习惯只是大脑快速检索已经学会的例行程序或过程的适当行为反应的能力。 Habits help us conserve our attention for other things while we go about the tasks we perform with little or no conscious thought. Habits help us conserve our attention for other things while we go about the tasks we perform with little or no conscious thought. Alışkanlıklar, bilinçli olarak çok az düşünerek ya da hiç düşünmeden gerçekleştirdiğimiz görevlere devam ederken dikkatimizi başka şeyler için korumamıza yardımcı olur. 习惯帮助我们保留注意力在其他事情上,同时进行我们对不需要或几乎不需要意识思考的任务。

However, when something breaks the cause-and-effect pattern we've come to expect — when we encounter something outside the norm — we suddenly become aware of it again. [lxxii] Novelty sparks our interest, makes us pay attention, and — like a baby encountering a friendly dog for the first time — we seem to love it.

Rewards of the Tribe, Hunt, and Self Kabilenin, Avın ve Benliğin Ödülleri

In the 1950s, psychologist B.F. Skinner conducted experiments to understand how variability impacted animal behavior. 斯金纳进行了实验,以了解变异性如何影响动物行为。

[lxxiii] First, Skinner placed pigeons inside a box rigged to deliver a food pellet to the birds every time they pressed a lever. [lxxiii] First, Skinner placed pigeons inside a box rigged to deliver a food pellet to the birds every time they pressed a lever. [lxxiii] Skinner ilk olarak güvercinleri, bir kola her bastıklarında kuşlara bir yiyecek peleti verecek şekilde ayarlanmış bir kutunun içine yerleştirdi. [lxxiii] 首先,斯金纳将鸽子放在一个装有食物颗粒的箱子里,每次它们按动一个杠杆时都会给鸟喂食。 Similar to Olds' and Milner's lab mice, the pigeons learned the cause-and-effect relationship between pressing the lever and receiving the food. 与奥尔兹和米尔纳的实验室老鼠类似,鸽子也学会了按下杠杆和得到食物之间的因果关系。 In the next part of the experiment, Skinner added variability. Instead of providing a pellet every time a pigeon tapped the lever, the machine discharged food after a random number of taps. Bir güvercin kola her dokunduğunda yem vermek yerine, makine rastgele sayıda dokunuştan sonra yem boşaltıyordu. 机器不是在每次鸽子按动杠杆时提供一个颗粒,而是在随机次数的按动后释放食物。 Sometimes the lever would dispense food, sometimes not. Kol bazen yemek veriyor, bazen vermiyordu. 有时杠杆会释放食物,有时不会。 Skinner revealed that the intermittent reward dramatically increased the number of times the pigeons tapped the lever. Skinner revealed that the intermittent reward dramatically increased the number of times the pigeons tapped the lever. Skinner, aralıklı ödülün güvercinlerin manivelaya dokunma sayısını önemli ölçüde artırdığını ortaya koydu. 斯金纳揭示了间歇性奖励显著增加了鸽子按动杠杆的次数。 Adding variability increased the frequency of the pigeons completing the intended action.

Skinner's pigeons tell us a great deal about what helps drive our own behaviors. More recent experiments reveal that variability increases activity in the nucleus accumbens and spikes levels of the neurotransmitter dopamine, driving our hungry search for rewards. Daha yeni deneyler, değişkenliğin nucleus accumbens'teki aktiviteyi artırdığını ve nörotransmitter dopamin seviyelerini yükselttiğini ve ödüllere aç arayışımızı yönlendirdiğini ortaya koymaktadır. 更近期的实验显示,变异性会增加纽氏核的活动,并引发神经递质多巴胺水平的上升,驱使我们渴望寻找奖励。

[lxxiv] Researchers observed increased dopamine levels in the nucleus accumbens in experiments involving monetary rewards as well as in a study of heterosexual men viewing images of attractive women's faces. [lxxiv] 研究人员观察到在涉及货币奖励的实验中以及在研究异性恋男性观看有吸引力女性面孔图像时,纽氏核中多巴胺水平增加。 [lxxv] [lxxv]

Variable rewards can be found in all sorts of products and experiences that hold our attention. They fuel our drive to check email, browse the web, or bargain-shop. 它们激发着我们检查电子邮件、浏览网页或进行便宜购物的动力。 I propose that variable rewards come in three types: Tribe, hunt and self (figure 20). 我提出可变奖励分为三种类型:Tribe、狩猎和自我(参见图20)。 Habit-forming products utilize one or more of these variable reward types. 养成习惯的产品利用其中一种或多种可变奖励类型。

Figure 20

Rewards of the Tribe

We are a species that depends on each other. Rewards of the tribe, or social rewards, are driven by our connectedness with other people. 部落奖励,或社会奖励,是由我们与其他人的联系驱动的。 Our brains are adapted to seek rewards that make us feel accepted, attractive, important, and included. 我们的大脑适应寻求让我们感到被接受、有魅力、重要和被包含的奖励。 Many of our institutions and industries are built around this need for social reinforcement. 许多我们的制度和产业都建立在这种对社会强化的需求上。 From civic and religious groups to spectator sports and “watercooler” television shows, the need to feel social connectedness shapes our values and drives much of how we spend our time. From civic and religious groups to spectator sports and “watercooler” television shows, the need to feel social connectedness shapes our values and drives much of how we spend our time. Sivil ve dini gruplardan seyirlik sporlara ve "watercooler" televizyon programlarına kadar, sosyal bağlılık hissetme ihtiyacı değerlerimizi şekillendirmekte ve zamanımızı nasıl geçirdiğimizin çoğunu yönlendirmektedir. 从公民团体和宗教团体到观众体育比赛和“水龙头”的电视节目,社会联系的需求塑造了我们的价值观,并在很大程度上驱使我们如何花费时间。

It is no surprise that social media has exploded in popularity. 社交媒体的爆炸式增长并不奇怪。 Facebook, Twitter, Pinterest, and several other sites collectively provide over a billion people with powerful social rewards on a variable schedule. Facebook、Twitter、Pinterest和其他一些网站共同为十多亿人提供强大的社会奖励,而且奖励的时间安排是不确定的。 With every post, tweet, or pin, users anticipate social validation. 每次发布帖子、推特或插图,用户都期待社会认可。 Rewards of the tribe keep users coming back, wanting more. 部落的奖励让用户不断回归,渴望得到更多。

Sites that leverage tribal rewards benefit from what psychologist Albert Bandura called “social learning theory.” 利用部落奖励的网站受益于心理学家阿尔伯特·班杜拉所称的“社会学习理论”。

[lxxvi] Bandura studied the power of modeling and ascribed special powers to our ability to learn from others. 【lxxvi】班杜拉研究了建模的力量,并赋予我们通过他人学习的特殊能力。 In particular, Bandura showed that people who observe someone being rewarded for a particular behavior are more likely to alter their own beliefs and subsequent actions. 特别是,班杜拉表明,观察到某人因特定行为而获得奖励的人更有可能改变自己的信念和随后的行动。 Notably, Bandura also showed that this technique works particularly well when people observe the behavior of people most like themselves, or those who are slightly more experienced (and, therefore, role models). 值得注意的是,班杜拉还表明,当人们观察到与自己最相似或略有更有经验(因此是榜样)的人的行为时,这种技术特别有效。

[lxxvii] This is exactly the kind of targeted demographic and interest-level segmentation that social media companies such as Facebook and industry-specific sites such as Stack Overflow selectively apply.

Here are some online examples of rewards of the tribe: 以下是部落奖励的一些在线示例:

Facebook Facebook

Facebook provides numerous examples of variable social rewards. Facebook提供了许多变化的社交奖励示例。 Logging-in reveals an endless stream of content friends have shared, comments from others, and running tallies of how many people have “liked” something (figure 21). L'accesso rivela un flusso infinito di contenuti condivisi dagli amici, commenti da parte di altri e conteggi di quante persone hanno messo "mi piace" a qualcosa (figura 21). 登录后会看到朋友分享的无休止内容、他人的评论以及“喜欢”的人数统计 (见图21)。 The uncertainty of what users will find each time they visit the site creates the intrigue needed to pull them back again. 每次访问网站都不知道用户会发现什么,这种不确定性产生了吸引力,让用户再次回来。

While variable content gets users to keep searching for interesting tidbits in their Newsfeeds, a click of the “Like” button provides a variable reward for the content's creators. 虽然Newsfeeds中的可变内容让用户继续搜索有趣的小资讯,但点击“喜欢”按钮为内容创作者提供了可变的奖励。 “Likes” and comments offer tribal validation for those who shared the content, and provide variable rewards that motivate them to continue posting.

Figure 21

Stack Overflow

Stack Overflow is the world's largest question-and-answer site for software developers. As with other user-generated content sites such as Quora, Wikipedia, and YouTube, all of Stack Overflow's content is created voluntarily by people who use the site. A staggering 5,000 answers to questions are generated per day by site members. Elke dag worden door siteleden maar liefst 5.000 antwoorden op vragen gegenereerd. Many of these responses provide detailed, highly technical and time-consuming answers. But why do so many people spend so much time doing all this work for free? What motivates them to invest the effort into what others may see as the burdensome task of writing technical documentation?

Stack Overflow devotees write responses in anticipation of rewards of the tribe. Each time a user submits an answer, other members have the opportunity to vote the response up or down. The best responses percolate upwards, accumulating points for their authors (figure 22). When they reach certain point levels, members earn badges, which confer special status and privileges. Of course, the process of accumulating upvotes (and, therefore, points and badges) is highly variable — no one knows how many they will receive from the community when responding to a question.

Figure 22

Stack Overflow works because, like all of us, software engineers find satisfaction in contributing to a community they care about; and the element of variability turns a seemingly mundane task into an engaging, game-like experience. But on Stack Overflow, points are not just an empty game mechanic, they confer special value by representing how much someone has contributed to their tribe. Users enjoy the feeling of helping their fellow programmers and earning the respect of people whose opinions they value.

League of Legends

League of Legends, a popular computer game, launched in 2009 and quickly achieved tremendous success. But soon after its launch, the game's owners found they had a serious problem: The online video game was filled with “trolls” — people who enjoyed bullying other players while being protected by the anonymity the game provides. Soon, League of Legends earned a nasty reputation for having an “unforgiving — even abusive — community.”

[lxxviii] A leading industry publication wrote, “League of Legends has become well known for at least two things: proving the power of the free-to-play model in the West and a vicious player community.”

[lxxix]

To combat the trolls, the game creators designed a reward system leveraging Bandura's social learning theory, which they called Honor Points (figure 23). The system gave players the ability to award points for particularly sportsmanlike conduct worthy of recognition. These virtual kudos encouraged positive behavior and helped the best and most cooperative players to stand out in the community. The number of points earned was highly variable and could only be conferred by other players. Honor Points soon became a coveted marker of tribe-conferred status and helped weed out trolls by signaling to others which players should be avoided.

Figure 23

Rewards of the Hunt

For years, scientists have tried to answer a central question of human evolution: How did early humans hunt for food? Most evolutionary biologists agree that consuming animal protein was a significant milestone that led to better nutrition and, ultimately, bigger brains but the tactical details of the hunt remain hazy.

[lxxx] We know our ancestors handcrafted spears and arrows for hunting, but evidence shows that these weapons were only invented 500,000 years ago,

[lxxxi] whereas we've been eating meat for over 2 million years. [lxxxii] How then, did we hunt during the first 75 percent of our existence?

According to Harvard evolutionary biologist Daniel Lieberman, we chased down our dinner. Early humans killed animals using a technique known as “persistence hunting,” a practice still common among today's few remaining pre-agrarian societies. One of these groups, the San people of Southern Africa, hunt for kudu, a large deer-like animal, using a technique similar to the way Lieberman believes humans hunted for the vast majority of our species' history. The way we evolved to hunt wild game may help explain why we find ourselves compelled to use certain products today.

In Africa, the chase begins when a group of San hunters separate a large kudu bull from the herd. The animal's heavy antlers slows him down, making him less agile than the female kudus. Once the animal is isolated from the pack, a single San hunter begins the hunt, keeping a steady pace as the animal leaps ahead in fear. At first, it appears the man will never catch up to the bounding beast. In eerste instantie lijkt het erop dat de man het opspringende beest nooit zal inhalen. At times he struggles to keep the animal in sight through the dry brush. Soms worstelt hij om het dier in het zicht te houden door het droge struikgewas. 有时他在干燥的灌木丛中很难保持对动物的视线。

But the hunter knows he can use the animal's weaknesses to his advantage. 但猎人知道他可以利用动物的弱点来获得优势。 The powerful kudu is much faster in short sprints, but the kudu's skin is covered with fur and can not dissipate heat like the runner's skin can. 强壮的 kudu 在短距离冲刺时要快得多,但 kudu 的皮肤覆盖着毛发,无法像跑步者的皮肤那样散发热量。 According to Lieberman, “Quadrupeds can not pant and gallop at the same time.”

[lxxxiii] So while the kudu must stop to catch his breath, the hunter begins closing in, not to catch it but to run it to exhaustion.

After being tracked for a sweltering eight hours under the African sun, the beast is finally ready to give up, collapsing in surrender with barely a struggle. The meager hundred-pound San hunter outlasts the powerful 500 pound beast with little more than his persistence and the biomechanical gifts evolution has given him. The hunter swiftly and ceremoniously kills his prize, piercing a vein in the animal's neck so that he can feed his children and his tribe. By running on two feet and bereft of the body hair typical of other primates, our species gained a massive advantage over larger mammals. Our ability to maintain steady pursuit gave us the capacity to hunt large prehistoric game. But persistence hunting was not only made possible because of our bodies; changes in our brains also played a significant role.

During the chase, the runner is driven by the pursuit itself; and this same mental hardwiring also provides clues into the source of our insatiable desires today. The dogged determination that keeps San hunters chasing kudu is the same mechanism that keeps us wanting and buying. Although it is a long way from bushmen to businessmen, the mental processes of the hunt remain largely the same.

The search for resources defines the next type of variable reward — the rewards of hunt. The need to acquire physical objects, such as food and other supplies that aid our survival, is part of our brain's operating system. But where we once hunted for food, today we hunt for other things. In modern society, food can be bought with cash, and more recently by extension, information translates into money.

Rewards of the hunt existed long before the advent of computers. But today we find numerous examples of variable rewards associated with the pursuit of resources and information that compel us with the same determination as the San hunter chasing his prey.

Here are a few examples of products that create habits by leveraging rewards of the hunt:

Machine Gambling

Most people know that gambling benefits the casino or broker far more than the players. As the old adage says, “the house always wins.” Yet despite this knowledge, the multi-billion dollar gambling industry continues to thrive.

Slot machines provide a classic example of variable rewards of the hunt. Gamblers plunk $1 billion per day into slot machines in American casinos, which is a testament to the machines' power to compel players. [lxxxiv] By awarding money in random intervals, games of chance entice players with the prospect of a jackpot. Of course, winning is entirely outside the gambler's control — yet the pursuit can be intoxicating. Twitter

The “feed” has become a social staple of many online products. The stream of limitless information displayed in a scrolling interface makes for a compelling reward of the hunt. The Twitter timeline, for example, is filled with a mix of both mundane and relevant content. This variety creates an enticingly unpredictable user experience. On occasion a user might find a particularly interesting piece of news, while other times, she won't. But to keep hunting for more information, all that is needed is a flick of the finger or scroll of a mouse. Users scroll and scroll and scroll to search for variable rewards in the form of relevant tweets (figure 24).

Figure 24

Pinterest

Pinterest, a company that has grown to reach over 50 million monthly users worldwide, also employs a feed, but with a visual twist.

[lxxxv] The online pinboarding site is a virtual smorgasbord of objects of desire. The site is curated by its community of users who ensure that a high degree of intriguing content appears on each page.

Pinterest users never know what they will find on the site. To keep them searching and scrolling, the company employs an unusual design. As the user scrolls to the bottom of the page, some images appear to be cut-off. Often, images appear out of view below the browser fold. However, these images offer a glimpse of what's ahead, even if just barely visible. To relieve their curiosity, all users have to do is scroll to reveal the full picture (figure 25). As more images load on the page, the endless search for variable rewards of the hunt continues.

Figure 25

Rewards of the Self

Finally, there are the variable rewards we seek for a more personal form of gratification. We are driven to conquer obstacles, even if just for the satisfaction of doing so. Pursuing a task to completion can influence people to continue all sorts of behaviors.

[lxxxvi] Surprisingly, we even pursue these rewards when we don't outwardly appear to enjoy them. For example, watching someone investing countless hours into completing a tabletop puzzle can reveal frustrated face contortions and even sounds of muttered profanity. Although puzzles offer no prize other than the satisfaction of completion, for some the painstaking search for the right pieces can be a wonderfully mesmerizing struggle.

The rewards of the self are fueled by “intrinsic motivation” as highlighted by the work of Edward Deci and Richard Ryan.

[lxxxvii] Their self-determination theory espouses that people desire, among other things, to gain a sense of competency. Adding an element of mystery to this goal makes the pursuit all the more enticing.

The experiences below offer examples of variable rewards of the self:

Video Games

Rewards of the self are a defining component in video games, as players seek to master the skills needed to pursue their quest. Leveling up, unlocking special powers, and other game mechanics fulfill a player's desire for competency by showing progression and completion. For example, advancing a character through the popular online game World of Warcraft unlocks new abilities for the player (figure 26). The thirst to acquire advanced weaponry, visit uncharted lands, and improve their characters' scores motivates players to invest more hours in the game. Figure 26

Email

You do not have to be a hard-core video gamer to be heavily influenced by game-like experiences. The humble email system provides an example of how the search for mastery, completion, and competence moves users to habitual, sometimes mindless, actions. Have you ever caught yourself checking your email for no particular reason? Perhaps you unconsciously decided to open it to see what messages might be waiting for you. For many, the number of unread messages represents a sort of goal to be completed.

But to feel rewarded, the user must have a sense of accomplishment. Mailbox, an email application acquired by Dropbox in 2013 for a rumored $100 million, aims to solve the frustration of fighting what feels like a losing inbox battle.

[lxxxviii] Mailbox cleverly segments emails into sorted folders to increase the frequency of users achieving “inbox zero” — a near-mystical state of having no unread emails (figure 27). Of course, some of the folder sorting is done through digital sleight-of-hand by pushing some low priority emails out of sight, and then having them reappear at a later date. But by giving users the sense that they are processing their inbox more efficiently, Mailbox delivers something other email clients do not — a feeling of completion and mastery.

Figure 27

Codecademy

Learning to program is not easy. Software engineers take months, if not years, of diligent hard work before they have the confidence and skill to write useful code. Many people attempt to learn how to write software, only to give up, frustrated at the tedious process of learning a new computer language.

Codecademy seeks to make learning to write code more fun and rewarding. The site offers step-by-step instructions for building a web app, animation, and even a browser-based game. The interactive lessons deliver immediate feedback, in contrast to traditional methods of learning to code by writing whole programs. At Codecademy, users can enter a single correct function and the code works or doesn't, providing instant feedback. Learning a new skill is often filled with errors but Codecademy uses the difficulty to its advantage. There is a constant element of the unknown when it comes to completing the task at hand and like a game, users receive variable rewards as they learn — sometimes they succeed, sometimes they fail. But as their competency level improves, users work to advance through levels, mastering the curriculum. Codecademy's symbols of progression and instantaneous variable feedback tap into rewards of the self, turning a difficult path into an engaging challenge (figure 28). Figure 28

***

Important Considerations for Designing Reward Systems

Variable Rewards Are Not a Free Pass

In May 2007, a site called Mahalo.com was born. A flagship feature of the new site was a question-and-answer forum known as Mahalo Answers. Unlike previous Q&A sites, Mahalo utilized a special incentive to get users to ask and answer questions. First, people who submitted a question would offer a bounty in the form of a virtual currency known as “Mahalo Dollars.” Then, other users would contribute answers to the question and the best response would receive the bounty, which could be exchanged for real money. By providing a monetary reward, the Mahalo founders believed they could drive user engagement and form new online user habits.

At first, Mahalo garnered significant attention and traffic. At its high point, 14.1 million users worldwide visited the site monthly.

[lxxxix] But over time, users began to lose interest. Although the payout of the bounties were variable, somehow users did not find the monetary rewards enticing enough.

But as Mahalo struggled to retain users, another Q&A site began to boom. Quora, launched in 2010 by two former Facebook employees, quickly grew in popularity. Unlike Mahalo, Quora did not offer a single cent to anyone answering user questions. Why, then, have users stayed highly engaged with Quora, but not with Mahalo, despite its variable monetary rewards?

In Mahalo's case, executives assumed that paying users would drive repeat engagement with the site. After all, people like money, right? Unfortunately, Mahalo had an incomplete understanding of its users' drivers. Ultimately, the company found that people did not want to use a Q&A site to make money. If the trigger was a desire for monetary rewards, the user was better off spending their time earning an hourly wage. And if the payouts were meant to take the form of a game, like a slot machine, then the rewards came far too infrequently and were too small to matter.

However, Quora demonstrated that social rewards and the variable reinforcement of recognition from peers proved to be much more frequent and salient motivators. Quora instituted an upvoting system that reports user satisfaction with answers and provides a steady stream of social feedback. Quora's social rewards have proven more attractive than Mahalo's monetary rewards. Only by understanding what truly matters to users can a company correctly match the right variable reward to their intended behavior.

Recently, “gamification” — defined as the use of game-like elements in non-gaming environments — has been used with varying success. Points, badges, and leaderboards can prove effective, but only if they scratch the user's itch. When there is a mismatch between the customer's problem and the company's assumed solution, no amount of gamification will help spur engagement. Likewise, if the user has no ongoing itch at all — say, no need to return repeatedly to a site that lacks any value beyond the initial visit — gamification will fail because of a lack of inherent interest in the product or service offered. In other words, gamification is not a one-size-fits-all solution for driving user engagement.

Variable rewards are not magic fairy dust that a product designer can sprinkle onto a product to make it instantly more attractive. Rewards must fit into the narrative of why the product is used and align with the user's internal triggers and motivations. Maintain a Sense of Autonomy

Quora found success by connecting the right reward to the intended behavior of asking and answering questions. But in August 2012, the company committed a very public blunder — one that illustrates another important consideration when using variable rewards. 但在2012年8月,该公司犯了一个非常公开的错误 —— 这说明了在使用可变奖励时另一个重要的考虑因素。

In an effort to increase user engagement, Quora introduced a new feature called “views,” which revealed the real identity of people visiting a particular question or answer. 为了增加用户参与度,Quora引入了一个名为“views”的新功能,可以显示访问特定问题或答案的人的真实身份。 For users, the feedback of knowing who was seeing content they added to the site proved very intriguing. 对于用户来说,知道谁在查看他们添加到网站上的内容的反馈非常有趣。 Users could now know, for example, when a celebrity or prominent venture capital investor viewed something they created.

However, the feature ultimately backfired. Quora automatically opted users into the new feature without alerting them that their browsing history on the site would be exposed to others. Quora在未通知用户的情况下自动将他们选择加入新功能,导致用户浏览网站的历史暴露给他人。 In an instant, users lost their treasured anonymity when asking, answering, or simply viewing Quora questions that were personal, awkward, or intimate. 转眼之间,用户在提问、回答或查看个人、尴尬或亲密Quora问题时失去了宝贵的匿名性。

[xc] The move sparked a user revolt and Quora reversed course a few weeks later, making the feature explicitly opt-in. 这一举动引发了用户的反抗,几周后Quora改变主意,使该功能明确选择加入。

[xci]

In the case of Quora, the change felt forced and bordered on coercion. While influencing behavior can be a part of good product design, heavy-handed efforts can have adverse consequences and risk losing users' trust. We'll address the morality of manipulation in a later chapter — but aside from the ethical considerations, there is an important point regarding the psychological role of autonomy and how it can impact user engagement. As part of a French study, researchers wanted to know if they could influence how much money people handed to a total stranger asking for bus fare by using just a few specially encoded words. They discovered a technique so simple and effective it doubled the amount people gave.

The turn of phrase has not only proven to increase how much bus fare people give, but has also been effective in boosting charitable donations and participation in voluntary surveys. In fact, a recent meta-analysis of 42 studies involving over 22,000 participants concluded that these few words, placed at the end of a request, are a highly-effective way to gain compliance, doubling the likelihood of people saying “yes.”

[xcii]

The magic words the researchers discovered? The phrase, “but you are free to accept or refuse.”

The “but you are free” technique demonstrates how we are more likely to be persuaded when our ability to choose is reaffirmed. Not only was the effect observed during face-to-face interactions, but also over email. Although the research did not directly look at how products and services might use the technique, the study provides an important insight into how companies maintain or lose the user's attention. Why does reminding people of their freedom to choose, as demonstrated in the French bus fare study, prove so effective?

The researchers believe the phrase “but you are free” disarms our instinctive rejection of being told what to do. If you have ever grumbled at your mother telling you to put on a coat or felt your blood pressure rise when your boss micro-manages you, you have experienced what psychologists call “reactance,” the hair-trigger response to threats to your autonomy. 如果你曾经对母亲告诉你穿上外套而抱怨过,或者当老板对你进行微观管理时感到血压升高,你就经历了心理学家所称的“反抗性”,对你的自主权受到威胁时的毛发触发反应。

However, when a request is coupled with an affirmation of the right to choose, reactance is kept at bay. 然而,当一个要求与选择权的肯定相结合时,反抗性就被遏制住了。 But can the principles of autonomy and reactance carry over into the way products change user behavior and drive the formation of new user habits? 但自主权和反抗性的原则是否能延伸到产品改变用户行为并推动新用户习惯形成的方式呢? Here are two examples to make the case that they do, but of course, you are free to make up your mind for yourself. 以下是两个例子,以证明它们确实存在,但当然,您可以自行拿主意。

Take, for example, establishing the habit of better nutrition, a common goal for many Americans. 例如,养成更健康饮食的习惯,这是许多美国人共同的目标。 Searching in the Apple App Store for the word “diet” returns 3,235 apps, all promising to help users shed extra pounds. 在苹果应用商店搜索“饮食”一词,返回3,235款应用,都承诺帮助用户减掉多余的磅数。 The first app in the long list is MyFitnessPal, whose iOS app is rated by over 350,000 people. 长列表中排在第一位的应用是MyFitnessPal,其iOS应用已被35万多人评价。

A year ago when I decided to lose a few pounds, I installed the app and gave it a try. 一年前当我决定减掉几磅时,我安装了这个应用并试用了一下。 MyFitnessPal is simple enough to use. MyFitnessPal使用起来相当简单。 The app asked me to log what I ate and presented me with a calorie score based on my weight loss goal.

For a few days, I stuck with the program and diligently input information about everything I ate. Had I been a person who logs food with pen and paper, MyFitnessPal would have been a welcome improvement. 如果我是一个用笔和纸记录食物的人,MyFitnessPal肯定会是一个受欢迎的改进。

However, I was not a calorie tracker prior to using MyFitnessPal and although using the app was novel at first, it soon became a drag. 然而,在开始使用MyFitnessPal之前,我并没有进行卡路里跟踪,尽管一开始使用这款应用很新奇,但很快就觉得烦人了。 Keeping a food diary was not part of my daily routine and was not something I came to the app wanting to do. 记录饮食日记并不是我日常的一部分,也不是我使用这款应用时想做的事情。 I wanted to lose weight and the app was telling me how to do it with its strict method of tracking calories in and calories out. Unfortunately, I soon found that forgetting to enter a meal made it impossible to get back on the program – the rest of my day was a nutritional wash. 不幸的是,我很快发现忘记输入一顿饭会让我无法重新开始计划 - 我的一天剩下的时间就成了营养的浪费。

Soon, I began to feel obligated to confess my mealtime transgressions to my phone. 很快,我开始感到有义务向我的手机坦白我的用餐过失。 MyFitnessPal became MyFitnessPain. MyFitnessPal 变成了 MyFitnessPain。 Yes, I had chosen to install the app at first, but despite my best intentions, my motivation faded and using the app became a chore. Adopting a weird new behavior — calorie tracking, in my case — felt like something I had to do, not something I wanted to do. My only options were to comply or quit. So I quit.

On the other hand Fitocracy, another health app, approaches behavior change very differently. 另一方面,另一款健康应用Fitocracy采取了非常不同的行为改变方式。 The goal of the app is similar to its competitors — to help people establish better diet and exercise routines. 该应用的目标与竞争对手类似 — 帮助人们建立更好的饮食和锻炼习惯。 However, it leverages familiar behaviors users want to do, instead of have to do. 然而,它利用用户愿意做的熟悉行为,而不是必须做的行为。

At first, the Fitocracy experience is similar to other health apps, encouraging new members to track their food consumption and exercise. But where Fitocracy differentiates itself is in its recognition that most users will quickly fall off the wagon, just as I had with MyFitnessPal, unless the app taps into existing autonomous behavior. 但Fitocracy与众不同之处在于,它认识到大多数用户很快会掉队,正如我在MyFitnessPal上的情况一样,除非该应用利用现有的自主行为。

Before my reactance alarm went off, I started receiving kudos from other members of the site after entering my very first run. 在我被激起反应时,我输入我的第一次跑步后,开始收到该网站其他成员的赞美。 Curious to know who was sending the virtual encouragement, I logged in. 好奇知道是谁在发送虚拟的鼓励,我登陆了。 There, I immediately saw a question from “mrosplock5,” a woman looking for advice on what to do about knee pain from running. Having experienced similar trouble several years back, I left a quick reply: “Running barefoot (or with minimalist shoes) eliminated my knee pains. Strange but true!”

I have not used Fitocracy for long, but it is easy to see how someone could get hooked. Fitocracy is first and foremost an online community. Fitocracy首先是一个在线社区。 The app roped me in by closely mimicking real-world gym jabber among friends. 这款应用程序通过紧密模仿朋友之间真实的健身交谈来吸引了我。 The ritual of connecting with like-minded people existed long before Fitocracy, and the company leverages this behavior by making it easier and more rewarding to share encouragement, exchange advice, and receive praise. 与志同道合的人建立联系的仪式在Fitocracy之前就存在了,该公司通过让分享鼓励、交流建议和接受赞美变得更容易和更有价值来利用这种行为。 In fact, a recent study found social factors were the most important reasons people used the service and recommended it to others.

[xciii]

Social acceptance is something we all crave, and Fitocracy leverages the universal need for connection as an on-ramp to fitness, making new tools and features available to users as they develop new habits. The choice for the Fitocracy user is therefore between the old way of doing an existing behavior and the company's tailored solution for easing the user into healthy new habits. Fitocracy用户的选择因此在于采取旧方法进行现有行为,还是选择公司为其量身定制的解决方案,帮助用户养成健康的新习惯。 To be fair, MyFitnessPal also has social features intended to keep members engaged. 公平地说,MyFitnessPal也有旨在保持会员参与度的社交功能。 However, as opposed to Fitocracy, the benefits of interacting with the community come much later in the user experience, if ever. 然而,与Fitocracy相比,与社区互动的好处在用户体验中要晚得多,甚至可能永远不会出现。

Clearly, it is too early to tell which among the multitudes of new wellness apps and products will emerge victorious, but the fact remains that the most successful consumer technologies — those that have altered the daily behaviors of hundreds of millions of people — are the ones that nobody makes us use. 很显然,现在要判断新的大量健康应用和产品中哪些会取得成功还为时过早,但事实仍然如此:最成功的消费者技术——那些改变了数以亿计人们日常行为的技术——是那些没有人强迫我们使用的技术。 Perhaps part of the appeal of sneaking in a few minutes on Facebook or checking scores on ESPN.com is our access to a moment of pure autonomy – an escape from being told what to do by bosses and co-workers. 也许在Facebook上偷偷花几分钟或者在ESPN.com上查看比分的吸引力部分原因在于我们能够获得一段纯粹自治的时刻——摆脱老板和同事们的指使。

Unfortunately, too many companies build their products betting users will do what they make them do instead of letting them do what they want to do. 不幸的是,太多公司建立他们的产品时打赌用户会按照他们所要求的去做,而不是让用户去做他们想要的事情。 Companies fail to change user behaviors because they do not make their services enjoyable for its own sake, often asking users to learn new, unfamiliar actions instead of making old routines easier.

Companies that successfully change behaviors present users with an implicit choice between their old way of doing things and a new, more convenient way to fulfill existing needs. 成功改变行为的公司给用户提供了一种隐含选择,让他们在旧的做事方式和一种新的、更便利的满足现有需求的方式之间做选择。 By maintaining the users' freedom to choose, products can facilitate the adoption of new habits and change behavior for good. 通过保持用户选择的自由,产品可以促进新习惯的形成,从而改变行为习惯。 Whether coerced into doing something we did not intend, as was the case when Quora opted-in all users to its “views” feature, or feeling forced to adopt a strange new calorie counting behavior on MyFitnessPal, people often feel constrained by threats to their autonomy and rebel. 无论是被强迫做一些我们原本不打算做的事情,就像 Quora 将所有用户强制选择“观点”功能一样,还是被迫在 MyFitnessPal 上采用一种奇怪的新的卡路里计算行为,人们往往会感到受到自主权威胁而产生反叛情绪。 To change behavior, products must ensure the users feel in control. People must want to use the service, not feel they have to.

Beware of Finite Variability

In 2008, a television series called Breaking Bad began receiving unprecedented critical and popular acclaim. 2008年,一部名为《绝命毒师》的电视剧开始获得前所未有的好评和广受欢迎。 The show followed the life of Walter White, a high school chemistry teacher who transforms himself into a crystal meth-cooking drug lord. 该剧讲述了瓦尔特·怀特的生活,他是一名高中化学老师,后来变身成为一名制毒大亨。 As the body count on the show piled up season after season, so did its viewership. 随着剧集中的尸体数量在每个季节不断增加,观众人数也在逐渐增加。

[xciv] The first episode of the final season in 2013 attracted 5.9 million viewers and by the end of the series Guinness World Records dubbed it the highest-rated TV series of all time.

[xcv] Although Breaking Bad owes a great deal of its success to its talented cast and crew, fundamentally the program utilized a simple formula to keep people tuning in. 尽管《绝命毒师》的成功很大程度上归功于其才华横溢的演员和工作人员,但这个节目基本上利用了一个简单的公式来保持观众的关注。

At the heart of every episode — and also across each season's narrative arc — is a problem the characters must resolve. 每一集的核心 —— 也贯穿于每个季度的叙事弧线 —— 都是角色们必须解决的问题。 For example, during an episode in the first season, Walter White must find a way to dispose of the bodies of two rival drug dealers. 例如,在第一季的一集中,沃尔特·怀特必须找到一种方法处理两名敌对毒贩的尸体。 Challenges prevent resolution of the conflict and suspense is created as the audience waits to find out how the storyline ends. 挑战阻碍了冲突的解决,悬念的产生让观众等待故事情节的结局。 In this particular episode, White discovers one of the drug dealers is still alive and is faced with the dilemma of having to kill someone he thought was already dead. 在这一特定剧集中,怀特发现其中一个毒贩仍然活着,面临着一个困境:不得不杀掉他以为已经死了的人。 Invariably, each episode's central conflict is resolved near the end of the show, at which time a new challenge arises to pique the viewer's curiosity. 通常,每集的中心冲突会在节目接近结尾时得到解决,这时会出现一个新的挑战,引起观众的好奇心。 By design, the only way to know how Walter gets out of the mess he is in at the end of the latest episode is to watch the next episode.

The cycle of conflict, mystery and resolution is as old as storytelling itself, and at the heart of every good tale is variability. 冲突、神秘和解决循环的故事古老而悠久,每个好故事的核心都是多变性。 The unknown is fascinating and strong stories hold our attention by waiting to reveal what happens next. 未知是迷人的,强大的故事通过等待揭示接下来会发生什么来吸引我们的注意力。 In a phenomenon called “experience-taking,” researchers have shown that people who read a story about a character actually feel what the protagonist is feeling. 研究人员证明,一种称为“经验采取”的现象表明,阅读关于一个角色的故事的人实际上会感受到主人公所感受到的东西。

[xcvi] As we step into the character's shoes we experience his or her motivations — including the search for rewards of the tribe, hunt and self. 当我们踏入角色的鞋时,我们体会到他或她的动机,包括对部落、狩猎和自我奖励的追寻。 We empathize with characters because they are driven by the same things that drive us. 我们对角色产生共鸣,因为他们被驱使着与我们相同的东西。

But if the search to resolve uncertainty is such a powerful tool of engagement, why do we eventually lose interest in the things that once riveted us? 但如果解决不确定性的探索是如此强大的参与工具,为什么我们最终会失去对曾经吸引我们的事物的兴趣? Many people have experienced the intense focus of being hooked on a TV series, a great book, a new video game or even the latest gadget. 许多人都体验过迷恋于一部电视剧、一本好书、一个新的视频游戏,甚至最新的小工具时的强烈关注。 Yet, most of us lose interest in a few days or week's time. 然而,大多数人在几天或一周后就失去了兴趣。 Why does the power of variable rewards seem to fade away? 为什么奖励的变化力量似乎会消失?

Perhaps no company in recent memory epitomizes the mercurial nature of variable rewards quite like Zynga, makers of the hit Facebook game FarmVille. 也许在近期的记忆中,没有一家公司能像制造Facebook游戏农场偶像这样完美地体现变化多端的奖励性质,Zynga公司就是其中之一。 In 2009, FarmVille became an unmissable part of the global zeitgeist. 2009年,农场偶像成为全球时代精神中不可错过的一部分。 The game smashed records as it quickly reached 83.8 million monthly active users by leveraging the Facebook platform to acquire new players. 该游戏以迅速达到8380万月活跃用户而打破纪录,通过利用Facebook平台来获取新玩家。

[xcvii] In 2010, as “farmers” tended their digital crops — while paying real money for virtual goods and levels — the company generated more than $36 million in revenue. 【xcvii】2010年,“农民们”在照料他们的数字农作物的同时,为虚拟货物和等级支付了真钱,该公司创造了超过3600万美元的收入。

[xcviii] 【xcviii】

The company seemed invincible and set a course for growth by cloning its FarmVille success into a franchise. 该公司看起来无敌,通过将其FarmVille的成功复制成一项特许经营权,为增长设定了方向。 Zynga soon released CityVille, ChefVille, FrontierVille, and several more “-Ville” titles using familiar game mechanics in the hope that people would enjoy them as voraciously as they had FarmVille. Zynga很快推出了CityVille、ChefVille、FrontierVille等几款“-Ville”游戏,希望人们能像疯狂喜欢FarmVille一样享受它们熟悉的游戏机制。 By March 2012, Zynga's stock was flying high and the company was valued at over $10 billion. 到2012年3月,Zynga的股价飙升,公司市值超过100亿美元。 But by November of that same year, the stock was down over 80 percent. 但是同年11月,股价下跌超过80%。 It turned out that Zynga's new games were not really new at all. 原来Zynga的新游戏并不是真正的新游戏。 The company had simply re-skinned FarmVille, and soon players had lost interest and investors followed suit. 该公司只是重新制作了FarmVille,很快玩家们失去了兴趣,投资者也纷纷效仿。 What was once novel and intriguing became rote and boring. 曾经新颖有趣的东西变得乏味无趣。 The “Villes” had lost their variability, and with it, their viability. “Villes”失去了它们的可变性,也失去了它们的生存能力。

As the Zynga story demonstrates, an element of mystery is an important component of continued user interest. 正如Zynga的故事所展示的,神秘元素是保持用户持续兴趣的重要组成部分。 Online games like FarmVille suffer from what I call “finite variability” — an experience that becomes predictable after use. 在线游戏像FarmVille遭受我所称的“有限可变性” —— 即在使用后变得可预测的体验。 While Breaking Bad built suspense over time as the audience wondered how the series would end, eventually interest in the show would wane when it finally concluded. 《绝命毒师》通过时间逐渐建立了悬念,让观众猜测这部剧的结局,但最终当它结束时,人们对这部剧的兴趣会逐渐减弱。 The series enthralled viewers with each new episode, but now that it is all over, how many people who saw it once will watch it again? 这部剧每一集都吸引了观众,但现在它已经结束了,看过一次的人中有多少会再次观看呢? With the plot lines known and the central mysteries revealed, the show just won't seem as interesting the second time around. 随着情节已知和核心秘密揭示,这部剧第二次观看时将不会像第一次那样有趣。 Perhaps the show might resurrect interest with a new episode in the future, but viewership for old episodes people have already seen will never peak as it did when they were new. 也许未来播出新的一集节目可能会重新激起观众的兴趣,但观看过的老节目的收视率永远不会像它们刚出时那样高峰。 Experiences with finite variability become less engaging because they eventually become predictable. 有限变化的经历变得不那么引人入胜,因为它们最终变得可预测。

Businesses with finite variability are not inferior per se, they just operate under different constraints. 有限变化性的企业本身并不是劣质的,只是在不同的限制条件下运作。 They must constantly churn out new content and experiences to cater to their consumers' insatiable desire for novelty. 他们必须不断推出新内容和体验,以迎合消费者对新奇的无法满足的渴望。 It is no coincidence that both Hollywood and the video gaming industry operate under what is called the “studio model,” whereby a deep-pocketed company provides backing and distribution to a portfolio of movies or games, uncertain which one will become the next mega-hit. 好莱坞和电子游戏行业都采用所谓的“制片厂模式”运营,这并非巧合,即资金雄厚的公司为一系列电影或游戏提供支持和分销,不确定哪一个将成为下一个超级成功作品。

This is in contrast with companies making products exhibiting “infinite variability” — experiences that maintain user interest by sustaining variability with use. This is in contrast with companies making products exhibiting “infinite variability” — experiences that maintain user interest by sustaining variability with use. 这与制作展示“无限变异性”的产品的公司形成鲜明对比,这些产品通过保持使用中的变异性来维持用户的兴趣。 For example, games played to completion offer finite variability while those played with others people have higher degrees of infinite variability because the players themselves alter the game-play throughout. For example, games played to completion offer finite variability while those played with others people have higher degrees of infinite variability because the players themselves alter the game-play throughout. 例如,玩完的游戏具有有限的可变性,而与其他人一起玩的游戏则具有更高程度的无限可变性,因为玩家本身会在整个过程中改变游戏玩法。 World of Warcraft, the world's most popular massively multiplayer online role-playing game, still captures the attention of more than 10 million active users eight years after its first release. [xcix] While FarmVille is played mostly in solitude, World of Warcraft is played with teams and it is the hard-to-predict behavior of other people that keeps the game interesting.

While content consumption, like watching a TV show, is an example of finite variability, content creation is infinitely variable. While content consumption, like watching a TV show, is an example of finite variability, content creation is infinitely variable. 虽然内容消费(例如观看电视节目)是有限可变性的一个例子,但内容创作却是无限可变的。 Sites like Dribbble, a platform for designers and artists to showcase their work, exemplify the longer-lasting engagement that comes from infinite variability. Sites like Dribbble, a platform for designers and artists to showcase their work, exemplify the longer-lasting engagement that comes from infinite variability. Dribbble 等网站是一个为设计师和艺术家展示作品的平台,它体现了无限变化带来的更持久的参与度。 On the site, contributors share their designs in search of feedback from other artists. As new trends and design patterns change, so do Dribbble's pages. The variety of what Dribbble users can create is limitless, and the constantly changing site always offers new surprises. The variety of what Dribbble users can create is limitless, and the constantly changing site always offers new surprises. Dribbble 用户可以创作的内容种类是无限的,并且不断变化的网站总能提供新的惊喜。

Platforms like YouTube, Facebook, Pinterest and Twitter all leverage user-generated content to provide visitors with a never-ending stream of newness. Platforms like YouTube, Facebook, Pinterest and Twitter all leverage user-generated content to provide visitors with a never-ending stream of newness. YouTube、Facebook、Pinterest 和 Twitter 等平台都利用用户生成的内容为访问者提供源源不断的新鲜内容。 Of course, even sites utilizing infinite variability are not guaranteed to hold onto users forever. 当然,即使网站利用了无限的可变性也不能保证永远留住用户。 Eventually — to borrow from Michael Lewis's title — the “new, new thing” comes along and consumers migrate to it for the reasons discussed in earlier chapters. 最终 — — 借用迈克尔·刘易斯的标题 — — “新事物”出现了,消费者出于前面章节讨论的原因转向了它。 However, products utilizing infinite variability stand a better chance of holding onto users' attention, while those with finite variability must constantly reinvent themselves just to keep pace. However, products utilizing infinite variability stand a better chance of holding onto users' attention, while those with finite variability must constantly reinvent themselves just to keep pace. 然而,利用无限可变性的产品更有机会吸引用户的注意力,而具有有限可变性的产品则必须不断地自我改造才能跟上步伐。 Which Rewards Should You Offer?

Fundamentally, variable reward systems must satisfy users' needs, while leaving them wanting to re-engage. The most habit-forming products and services utilize one or more of the three variable rewards types of tribe, hunt and self. The most habit-forming products and services utilize one or more of the three variable rewards types of tribe, hunt and self. 最容易形成习惯的产品和服务利用部落、狩猎和自我三种可变奖励类型中的一种或多种。 In fact, many habit-forming products offer multiple variable rewards. In fact, many habit-forming products offer multiple variable rewards. 事实上,许多习惯养成产品都提供了多种不同的奖励。

Email, for example, utilizes all three variable reward types. What subconsciously compels us to check our email? First, there is uncertainty surrounding who might be sending us a message. First, there is uncertainty surrounding who might be sending us a message. We have a social obligation to respond to emails and a desire to be seen as agreeable (rewards of the tribe). We have a social obligation to respond to emails and a desire to be seen as agreeable (rewards of the tribe). 我们有回复电子邮件的社会义务,并希望被视为同意(部落的奖励)。 We may also be curious about what information is in the email. Perhaps something related to our career or business awaits us? Checking email informs us of opportunities or threats to our material possessions and livelihood (rewards of the hunt). Checking email informs us of opportunities or threats to our material possessions and livelihood (rewards of the hunt). 查看电子邮件可以让我们了解物质财富和生计所面临的机遇或威胁(狩猎的奖励)。 Lastly, email is in itself a task — challenging us to sort, categorize and act to eliminate unread messages. Lastly, email is in itself a task — challenging us to sort, categorize and act to eliminate unread messages. 最后,电子邮件本身就是一项任务——挑战我们对电子邮件进行排序、归类并采取行动以消除未读消息。 We are motivated by the uncertain nature of our fluctuating email count and feel compelled to gain control of our inbox (rewards of the self). We are motivated by the uncertain nature of our fluctuating email count and feel compelled to gain control of our inbox (rewards of the self). 我们受到电子邮件数量波动的不确定性的激励,并感到有必要控制我们的收件箱(自我奖励)。

As B.F. Skinner discovered over 50 years ago, variable rewards are a powerful inducement to repeat actions. Understanding what moves users to return to habit-forming products gives designers an opportunity to build products that align with their interests.

However, simply giving users what they want is not enough to create a habit-forming product. The feedback loop of the first three steps of the hook — trigger, action and variable reward — still misses a final critical phase. In the next chapter, we will learn how getting people to invest their time, effort, or social equity in your product is a requirement for repeat use.

***

Remember and Share

- Variable Reward is the third phase of the Hook Model, and there are three types of variable rewards: tribe, hunt and self.

- Rewards of the tribe is the search for social rewards fueled by connectedness with other people.

- Rewards of the hunt is the search for material resources and information.

- Rewards of the self is the search for intrinsic rewards of mastery, competence, and completion.

- When our autonomy is threatened, we feel constrained by our lack of choices and often rebel against doing a new behavior. Psychologists call this “reactance.” Maintaining a sense of user autonomy is a requirement for repeat engagement.

- Experiences with finite variability become increasingly predictable with use and lose their appeal over time. Experiences that maintain user interest by sustaining variability with use exhibit infinite variability.

- Variable rewards must satisfy users' needs, while leaving them wanting to re-engage with the product. ***

Do This Now

Refer to the answers you came up with in the last “Do This Now” section to complete the following exercises: Refer to the answers you came up with in the last “Do This Now” section to complete the following exercises: 参考上一节“现在就做”中得出的答案,完成以下练习:

- Speak with five of your customers in an open-ended interview to identify what they find enjoyable or encouraging about using your product. Are there any moments of delight or surprise? Are there any moments of delight or surprise? 有没有高兴或者惊讶的时刻? Is there anything they find particularly satisfying about using the product? 他们在使用该产品时是否发现有什么特别令人满意的地方?

- Review the steps your customer takes to use your product or service habitually. What outcome (reward) alleviates the user's pain? Is the reward fulfilling, yet leaves the user wanting more? Is the reward fulfilling, yet leaves the user wanting more? 奖励是否令人满意,并且让用户想要更多?

- Brainstorm three ways your product might heighten users' search for variable rewards using: - Rewards of the Tribe - gratification from others - 部落的奖励 - 来自他人的满足

- Rewards of the Hunt - things, money or information - 狩猎奖励 - 物品、金钱或信息

- Rewards of the Self - mastery, completion, competency or consistency - 自我奖励——掌控、完成、能力或一致性