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Inter-War Period (between WW 1 and II), Murder and Fascism - Rise of the Ustaše | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1934 Part 3 of 4 - YouTube (1)

Murder and Fascism - Rise of the Ustaše | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1934 Part 3 of 4 - YouTube (1)

In 1934, the world witnesses the very public rise of a Croat terror organization in Yugoslavia

that will eventually collaborate with the Nazis and commit hideous crimes against humanity

during WW2.

It is the Ustasa.

Welcome to Between-2-Wars a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all

facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's descent

into the darkness of the Second World War.

I'm Indy Neidell.

As we have seen, the 1930s is a decade where rulers across the world try to mold their

countries and subjects into their own worldviews.

Hitler approaches it by creating a state within the state that then proceeds with the total

Nazification of Germany; in the Soviet Union, Stalinist economic policy attempts to transform

the economy via a "revolution from above";

Both approaches start with an underground extremist political movement centered on political

violence.

In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, this will all come together in fateful combination for a

monarch who has done everything he can to forcefully unify a quarreling nation often

paralyzed by ethnic conflict.

That monarch is King Aleksandar I, who as we saw in our previous episode on Yugoslavia

had done away with the parliamentary system and made himself dictator, in an effort to

forge a single Yugoslav identity and put an end to the "tribal" division that he thought

were destroying his country.

One of the most radical changes he introduces is the Banovina system which reorganizes the

Kingdom into nine new provinces which carefully ignore ethnic boundaries or old borders.

He couples such reorganization with the suppression of his opponents.

And as the 30s begin, Aleksandar and his Prime Minister, Petar Zivkovic, appear to have everything

under control.

Vladko Macek, leader of the now-banned Croat Peasant Party (HSS), is safely in jail and

awaiting trial because of his alleged involvement with a separatist bomb plot; Svetozar Pribicevic,

a Democrat, and a leading opposition voice allied to the Croat Nationalists is under

virtual house arrest in Serbia; the illegal Communist Party is under constant police surveillance,

and other opposition leaders are lying low.

But there is an undercurrent of resentment felt by many of the King's subjects.

When Macek and over 20 other defendants go on trial in April 1930, it quickly turns into

a public fiasco.

Many of the defendants retract previous confessions, claiming that they were extracted under torture.

Macek and his legal team deny the charge of separatism, but also openly denounce the proceedings

as an act of propaganda.

Macek and seven co-conspirators are acquitted.

Thirteen others receive jail sentences, and the accusations of torture leave a bitter

aftertaste with much of the Croat public.

Conscious that this can easily trigger "tribal loyalties," Aleksandar and Zivkovic move to

mobilize popular support.

They seed a new regime-friendly "grassroots" movement amongst Croat peasants to supplant

the influence of the HSS.

With the help of Karla Kovacevic, former vice president of the HSS, they create the "Yugoslav

Peasant Movement" with almost weekly pro-Yugoslavian mass rallies throughout Croatia.

They fund cultural organizations to publish journals and calendars and run libraries and

archives that promote the Yugoslav idea.

And they make sure that any resistance is held in check by an efficient police state.

As soon as Aleksandar seized power, he had enacted several laws to create a new security

apparatus primed to monitor and pressure any potential political threats.

Anyone who wants to hold a public meeting has to request permission three days in advance,

provide authorities an agenda for the meeting, and accept the presence of a police agent

who has the power to disperse it immediately if he deems it unlawful.

Special courts are set up to deal with any acts of 'treason.'

Control over the press is tightened with state censors given significant power to ban anything

which might threaten the regime.

Their primary targets are stories about Croat-Serb disputes and economic difficulties, but the

paranoia of authorities sometimes goes further.

For instance, an article on the Indian independence movement is censored out of a Croat paper

for being an analogy for independence.

Paranoia spreads through state security institutions.

Thousands of politicians are monitored daily, every minute detail of their lives recorded.

But even fairly apolitical citizens draw the spying eye of the state.

Choral groups are disbanded by authorities if they are unable to sing the Yugoslav national

anthem.

Teachers are monitored closely for any sign that they are not wholly devoted to Nationalist

education.

Denunciations are encouraged with frequent cases of citizens accusing one another of

insulting the King or displaying tribal symbols.

It checks organized resistance for now, but the colossal effort burdens a regime that

soon seems to be running out of steam.

Aleksandar and Zivkovic are running out of ideas.

In the first year of the dictatorship, 163 new laws introduce significant changes.

But already in 1930, only one or two acts of relevant legislation can be considered

as substantial.

Not a big deal if they would so far be successful in cementing their goal of Yugoslavism right?

But that is hardly the case.

The countless rallies by Kovacevic's Yugoslav Peasant Movement haven't really managed to

engage the Croat peasants for Yugoslavism.

They dismiss participants and speakers as sycophant opportunists.

By 1931 the movement is already fading into insignificance.

Muslims in the Bosnia and Herzegovina region are also suspicious of the regime.

They resent its tendency to view Islam as a barrier to further integration.

While authorities make concerted efforts to intervene in religious matters, they fail

or decline to investigate reported cases of discrimination and abuse by state operatives.

Now, the common gripe amongst most non-Serbs is that Yugoslav unitarianism is basically

an unconvincing cover for Serb dominance.

But many Serbs are also dissatisfied.

King Aleksandar, viewed by Serbs as their champion, has also taken away their political

representation and democratic rights.

Professors at the University of Belgrade fume at being forced to focus their lessons on

"Yugoslav history" and literature instead of continuing to follow Serbian biased historiography

and culture.

Continued economic hardship doesn't help.

Agricultural prices, although taking slightly longer to fall than other South Eastern European

countries, have by now plummeted.

Protectionist isolationism has gripped many industrialized foreign countries during the

trade war launched by the US Smoot Hawley Act in 1930.

By 1934 Yugoslav exports have fallen by 58%.

The German Banking Crisis of 1931 also impacts Yugoslavia.

The Austrian bank, Creditanstalt, whose collapse triggered the crisis in the first place, was

the largest lender to Yugoslavia.

As the domino effect topples bank after bank, any alternatives are eliminated, and Yugaolavia's

pool of credit dries up.

That could be mitigated somewhat by German Reparations, but the Hoover Moratorium, which

effectively ends Germany's reparations obligations also cancels the annual payment of $16 million

Yugoslavia receives.

As always, economic difficulties drive political decisions in a new direction.

France is pressuring Aleksander to return to democracy.

When in 1931 they offer a badly needed loan, under the condition of a new constitution,

the King agrees.

But despite royal assurances, it's hardly a return to democracy.

The highest goal of Yugoslav unity is used to justify hugely restrictive regulations

of the re-established "parliamentary" system.

New electoral rules are designed to prevent any tribal or religious parties remerging.

In practice, this means that no meaningful opposition can be elected at all.

Candidates can only stand if they have support in every single one of the 306 electoral districts,

and can only run if they are on a government-approved list.

A Senate system is also introduced, but this is similarly restrictive, with the King selecting

half of the members personally and the loyal Banovina councils the rest.

The first election is announced for November 8, but only the government's party is allowed

to stand.

Elections proceed despite a joint statement from leaders of the former major parties;

the Radicals, the Agrarians, the Democrats, the Slovene People's Party, and the Yugoslav

Muslim Organization declaring that the new constitution has changed nothing.

Macek and his HSS are not signatories; instead, they author a leaflet calling on Croats to

boycott the election.

In the run-up to voting day, the state apparatus does everything they can to encourage participation.

The press reminds readers that failure to vote is a betrayal of the millions who died

for Yugoslavia in the Great War.

Police also ramp up surveillance of any "tribalist" individuals and take action against anyone

encouraging a boycott.

Predictably, the government party wins the election.

In December it is given a name: Yugoslav Radical-Peasant Democracy, a cumbersome amalgamation of the

names of previous parties to provide some sense of continuity.

But this effort to force unity soon backfires.

Factions now start to emerge within the single-party.

Some Croat deputies grow increasingly rebellious, and probe how far they can forward 'tribal'

interests and get away with it.

Some of the Serb deputies start planning for a revival of the Radical Party.

In April 1932, as things continue to deteriorate, the King forces Prime Minister Zivkovic to

retire.

His successor only lasts a couple of months and is replaced in July by Milan Srskic.

But he won't really do much other than aggravate groups already resentful of the government.

And resentful they are.

Despite the lack of organized resistance, spontaneous peasant riots are frequent in

1932.

In one incident near Ludbreg, 200 hundred angry Croat peasants march along a country

road to personally confront the governor of their Banovina, all while waving Croatian

flags and singing nationalist hymns.

Constitutional resistance re-emerges.

Frustrated by the lack of change, ex-politicians from the Croatian Peasant Party, Independent

Democrats, and other federalist and even separatist groups, draft the Zagreb Points in November

1932.

The resolution condemns royal absolutism and demands a reorganization of the state with

respect for autonomous interests.

The resolution triggers similar demands from Slovene and Muslim leaders.

The King does make a small concession, loosening electoral regulations somewhat.

Other than this, however, nothing changes.

No new elections are held, and Macek is again thrown into prison at the beginning of 1933.

The other Croat leader, Pribicevic, had been freed from his internment in 1931 because

of ill health and allowed to emigrate.

Free from the risk of prison, he will now mount an intense campaign against Aleksandar's

rule form abroad.

But there are more sinister forces for Aleksandar on the horizon.

There has always been another side to the Croat nationalism beyond the HSS and its constitutional

politics.

The most significant radical movement is the Croatian Party of Rights.

Active since the mid-19th century, the Party of Rights espouses extreme Croat nationalism

and anti-Serb feeling.

Founded on the principle of a Greater Croatia, many of its leaders have denied the existence

of separate Serb, Slovene, and Bosnian Muslim nationalities altogether, seeing them instead

as Croats corrupted by foreign influence.

The Party of Rights has never been able to build a mass movement, being side-lined by

the charismatic Radic and his peasant following.

Many no longer live in Yugoslavia, and the ones in the country have been operating underground

since Aleksandar's dictatorship began.

The more militant members both at home and abroad are now coalescing around Ante Pavelic.

He is currently in exile making connections with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary

Organization, the IMRO a long-established militant movement for an autonomous Macedonia.

This has resulted in Pavelic being sentenced in death in absentia, which only heightens

his radical credentials.

Even before he left Croatia, Pavelic had set up a rudimentary paramilitary group and an

underground newspaper.

Now a more forceful movement gains importance under Pavic's leadership.

Founded in 1930 it is called the Ustasa after the Croatian verb 'ustati' to rise up.

Its constitution is released in 1932 and declares that the "movement has the task to liberate

Croatia under foreign yoke, with all means, including an armed uprising, in order that

it become a completely free and independent state on the whole of its historic ethnic

territory."

Pavelic and the Ustasa find natural allies in the growing fascist movement throughout


Murder and Fascism - Rise of the Ustaše | BETWEEN 2 WARS I 1934 Part 3 of 4 - YouTube (1) Mord und Faschismus - Der Aufstieg der Ustaše | ZWISCHEN 2 KRIEGEN I 1934 Teil 3 von 4 - YouTube (1) Moord en fascisme - opkomst van de Ustaše | TUSSEN 2 OORLOGEN I 1934 Deel 3 van 4 - YouTube (1) Assassinato e Fascismo - Ascensão da Ustaše | ENTRE 2 GUERRAS I 1934 Parte 3 de 4 - YouTube (1) Убийство и фашизм - Восхождение усташей | МЕЖДУ 2-мя войнами I 1934 Часть 3 из 4 - YouTube (1) 谋杀与法西斯主义——乌斯塔沙的崛起 |第一次世界大战 1934 年（第 3 部分，共 4 部分） - YouTube (1)

In 1934, the world witnesses the very public rise of a Croat terror organization in Yugoslavia 1934\. Svijet svjedoči veoma javnom usponu hrvatske terorističke organizacije u Jugoslaviji

that will eventually collaborate with the Nazis and commit hideous crimes against humanity koja će naposljetku sarađivati sa nacistima i počiniti gnusne zločine protiv čovječanstva

during WW2. tokom Drugog svjetskog rata

It is the Ustasa. to su "Ustaše"

Welcome to Between-2-Wars a chronological summary of the interwar years, covering all Dobro došli u "Između 2 svjetska rata", hronološki sažetak međuratnih godina, koji pokriva sve

facets of life, the uncertainty, hedonism, and euphoria, and ultimately humanity's descent aspekte života, neizvjesnost, hedonizam i euforiju, i na kraju sunovrat čovječanstva

into the darkness of the Second World War. u tamu Drugog svjetskog rata

I'm Indy Neidell. Ja sam Indy Neidell.

As we have seen, the 1930s is a decade where rulers across the world try to mold their Kao što smo vidjeli, 1930-te su decenija u kojoj vladari širom svijeta pokušavaju usmjeriti svoje

countries and subjects into their own worldviews. zemlje i podanike prema njihovim vlastitim viđenjima

Hitler approaches it by creating a state within the state that then proceeds with the total Hitler tome pristupa tako što stvara državu unutar države koja zatim nastavlja sa potpunom

Nazification of Germany; in the Soviet Union, Stalinist economic policy attempts to transform nacifikacijom Njemačke; u Sovjetskom Savezu, staljinistička ekonomska politika pokušava preobraziti

the economy via a "revolution from above"; ekonomiju preko "revolucije odozgo"

Both approaches start with an underground extremist political movement centered on political Oba pristupa počinju sa podzemnim ekstremističkim političkim pokretom zasnovanim na političkom

violence. nasilju.

In the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, this will all come together in fateful combination for a U Kraljevini Jugoslaviji, sve ovo će doći zajedno u sudbonosnoj kombinaciji sa

monarch who has done everything he can to forcefully unify a quarreling nation often vladarom koji je napravio sve da na silu ujedini svadljivu naciju često

paralyzed by ethnic conflict. paralisanu etničkim sukobima.

That monarch is King Aleksandar I, who as we saw in our previous episode on Yugoslavia Taj vladar je kralj Aleksandar I, koji je kao što smo vidjeli u našoj prethodnoj epizodi o Jugoslaviji

had done away with the parliamentary system and made himself dictator, in an effort to završio sa parlamentarnim sistemom i načinio sebe diktatorom, u pokušaju da

forge a single Yugoslav identity and put an end to the "tribal" division that he thought iskuje jedinstveni jugoslavenski identitet i završi "plemensku" podjelu za koju je mislio

were destroying his country. da uništava njegovu zemlju.

One of the most radical changes he introduces is the Banovina system which reorganizes the Jedna od najznačajnijih promjena koje je uveo je sistem Banovina koji je preuredio

Kingdom into nine new provinces which carefully ignore ethnic boundaries or old borders. Kraljevinu u devet novih provincija koje pažljivo ignorišu etničke granice ili stare granice.

He couples such reorganization with the suppression of his opponents. On povezuje ovakvu reorganizaciju sa suzbijanjem svojih protivnika.

And as the 30s begin, Aleksandar and his Prime Minister, Petar Zivkovic, appear to have everything I kako 30te počinju, Aleksandar i njegov premijer Petar Živković, čini se da imaju sve

under control. pod kontrolom

Vladko Macek, leader of the now-banned Croat Peasant Party (HSS), is safely in jail and Vladko Maček, vođa sada zabranjene Hrvatske Seljačke Stranke (HSS), je sigurno u zatvoru

awaiting trial because of his alleged involvement with a separatist bomb plot; Svetozar Pribicevic, čekajući suđenje zbog navodne umiješanosti sa separatističkom bombaškom zavjerom; Svetozar Pribičević,

a Democrat, and a leading opposition voice allied to the Croat Nationalists is under demokrata, i vodeći opozicioni glas koji je u savezništvu sa hrvatskim nacionalistima je u

virtual house arrest in Serbia; the illegal Communist Party is under constant police surveillance, stvarnom kućnom pritvoru u Srbiji; ilegalna Komunistička Partija je pod stalnim policijskim nadzorom,

and other opposition leaders are lying low. a drugi opozicioni lideri se drže po strani.

But there is an undercurrent of resentment felt by many of the King's subjects. No, mnogi su kraljevi podanici osjećali duboku ogorčenost

When Macek and over 20 other defendants go on trial in April 1930, it quickly turns into Kad su Maček i 20 drugih optuženika otišli na suđenje u aprilu 1930., to se ubrzo pretvorilo

a public fiasco. u javni fijasko.

Many of the defendants retract previous confessions, claiming that they were extracted under torture. Mnogi otuženici su povukli prethodna priznanja, tvrdeći da su ih dali pod mučenjem.

Macek and his legal team deny the charge of separatism, but also openly denounce the proceedings Maček i njegov pravni tim opovrgli su optužbe za separatizam, ali su također javno odbacili postupak

as an act of propaganda. kao čin propagande.

Macek and seven co-conspirators are acquitted. Maček i sedam urotnika su oslobođeni.

Thirteen others receive jail sentences, and the accusations of torture leave a bitter Trinaest drugih dobilo je zatvorsku kaznu, a optužbe za mučenja ostavile su gorak

aftertaste with much of the Croat public. ukus u većini Hrvatske javnosti.

Conscious that this can easily trigger "tribal loyalties," Aleksandar and Zivkovic move to Svjestan da ovo može lako izazvati "plemenske odanosti", Aleksandar i Živković krenuli su

mobilize popular support. u mobilisanje javne podrške.

They seed a new regime-friendly "grassroots" movement amongst Croat peasants to supplant Oni zasijavaju novi "provincijalni" pokret privržen režimu među Hrvatskim seljacima da zamijene

the influence of the HSS. utjecaj HSS-a.

With the help of Karla Kovacevic, former vice president of the HSS, they create the "Yugoslav Sa pomoći Dragutina Karle Kovačevića, bivšeg potpredsjednika HSS-a, oni stvaraju "Jugoslavenski

Peasant Movement" with almost weekly pro-Yugoslavian mass rallies throughout Croatia. Seljački Pokret" sa gotovo sedmičnim pro-Jugosalvenskim masovnim okupljanjima širom Hrvatske

They fund cultural organizations to publish journals and calendars and run libraries and Oni finansiraju kulturne organizacije da objavljuju časopise i kalendare i osnivaju biblioteke i

archives that promote the Yugoslav idea. arhive koji promiču Jugoslavensku ideju.

And they make sure that any resistance is held in check by an efficient police state. A oni se brinu da bilo kakav otpor kontroliše učinkovita policijska država.

As soon as Aleksandar seized power, he had enacted several laws to create a new security Dok je Aleksandar preuzeo vlast, on je donio nekoliko zakona da stvori novu sigurnosnu

apparatus primed to monitor and pressure any potential political threats. aparaturu prevashodno da prati i pritišće bilo kakve potencijalne političke prijetnje.

Anyone who wants to hold a public meeting has to request permission three days in advance, Bilo ko ko želi držati javno okupljanje mora zahtijevati dozvolu tri dana unaprijed,

provide authorities an agenda for the meeting, and accept the presence of a police agent dostaviti vlastima agendu za okupljanje, i prihvatiti prisustvo policijskog agenta

who has the power to disperse it immediately if he deems it unlawful. koji je ovlašten da rasturi skup istovremeno ukoliko utvrdi da je protuzakonit.

Special courts are set up to deal with any acts of 'treason.' Posebni sudovi su osnovani, koji će se baviti bilo kakvim činom "izdaje".

Control over the press is tightened with state censors given significant power to ban anything Kontrola štampe je pooštrena sa državnim cenzorima kojima je data značajna moć da zabrane bilo šta

which might threaten the regime. što može ugroziti režim.

Their primary targets are stories about Croat-Serb disputes and economic difficulties, but the Njihova osnovna meta su priče o Hrvatsko-Srpskim nesuglasicama i ekonomskim poteškoćama, ali

paranoia of authorities sometimes goes further. paranoja vlasti ponekad ide još dalje.

For instance, an article on the Indian independence movement is censored out of a Croat paper Na primjer, članak o pokretu nezavisnosti Indije je cenzurisan iz Hrvatskih novina

for being an analogy for independence. jer je bio analogija nezavisnosti.

Paranoia spreads through state security institutions. Paranoja se širila kroz državne sigurnosne institucije.

Thousands of politicians are monitored daily, every minute detail of their lives recorded. Hiljade političara su dnevno posmatrani, svaki minut njihovog života detaljno bilježen.

But even fairly apolitical citizens draw the spying eye of the state. Čak i prilično apolitični građani su privlačili špijunsko oko države.

Choral groups are disbanded by authorities if they are unable to sing the Yugoslav national Horske skupine su raspuštane od vlasti ako nisu bile u stanju otpjevati Jugoslavensku nacionalnu

anthem. himnu.

Teachers are monitored closely for any sign that they are not wholly devoted to Nationalist Učitelji su praćeni izbliza za bilo kakav znak da nisu u potpunosti posvećeni nacionalističkom (pro-Jugoslavenskom)

education. obrazovanju.

Denunciations are encouraged with frequent cases of citizens accusing one another of Potkazivanja se ohrabruju sa čestim slučajevima građana koji optužuju jedni druge

insulting the King or displaying tribal symbols. za vrijeđanje kralja ili prikazivanja plemenskih simbola.

It checks organized resistance for now, but the colossal effort burdens a regime that To za sada kontroliše organizovan otpor, ali kolosalan napor opterećuje režim koji

soon seems to be running out of steam. uskoro djeluje kao da je ostao bez daha.

Aleksandar and Zivkovic are running out of ideas. Aleksandru i Živkoviću je ponestajalo ideja.

In the first year of the dictatorship, 163 new laws introduce significant changes. U prvim godinama diktature, 163 nova zakona unose značajne promjene.

But already in 1930, only one or two acts of relevant legislation can be considered Ali već 1930., samo jedan ili dva člana relevantnog zakonodavstva mogu se smatrati

as substantial. bitnima.

Not a big deal if they would so far be successful in cementing their goal of Yugoslavism right? Nije veliki problem ako su dosada bili uspješni u uspostavljanju njihovog cilja Jugoslavenstva, tačno?

But that is hardly the case. Ali to baš i nije slučaj.

The countless rallies by Kovacevic's Yugoslav Peasant Movement haven't really managed to Bezbrojna okupljanja Kovačevićevog Jugoslavenskog Seljačkog Pokreta nisu baš uspjela da

engage the Croat peasants for Yugoslavism. angažuju Hrvatske seljake za Jugoslavenstvo.

They dismiss participants and speakers as sycophant opportunists. Oni odbacuju sudionike i govornike kao ulizice i oportuniste.

By 1931 the movement is already fading into insignificance. Do 1931., pokret je već padao u beznačajnost.

Muslims in the Bosnia and Herzegovina region are also suspicious of the regime. Muslimani u regiji Bosne i Hercegovine su također sumnjičavi prema režimu.

They resent its tendency to view Islam as a barrier to further integration. Oni mu zamjeraju tendenciju da vidi Islam kao prepreku daljnjoj integraciji.

While authorities make concerted efforts to intervene in religious matters, they fail Dok vlasti ulažu značajne napore da intervenišu u vjerskim stvarima, oni zataje

or decline to investigate reported cases of discrimination and abuse by state operatives. ili odbijaju istražiti prijavljene slučajeve diskriminacije i zlostavljanja od strane državnih operativaca.

Now, the common gripe amongst most non-Serbs is that Yugoslav unitarianism is basically Sada, zajednička žalba među većinom nesrba je da je Jugoslavenski unitarizam u stvari

an unconvincing cover for Serb dominance. neuvjerljiv pokrov srpske prevlasti.

But many Serbs are also dissatisfied. Ali mnogi Srbi su također nezadovoljni.

King Aleksandar, viewed by Serbs as their champion, has also taken away their political Kralj Aleksandar, kojeg su Srbi gledali kao svog prvaka, oduzeo je također njihova politička

representation and democratic rights. predstavništva i demokratska prava.

Professors at the University of Belgrade fume at being forced to focus their lessons on Profesori na Beogradskom Univerzitetu bijesni su što su primorani usredotočiti svoja predavanja na

"Yugoslav history" and literature instead of continuing to follow Serbian biased historiography "Jugoslavensku historiju" i književnost umjesto da slijede srpski pristranu historiografiju

and culture. i kulturu.

Continued economic hardship doesn't help. Nastavljene ekonomske poteškoće ne pomažu.

Agricultural prices, although taking slightly longer to fall than other South Eastern European Cijene poljoprivrednih proizvoda, iako im je trebalo duže da padnu nego u drugim Jugoistočnoeuropskim

countries, have by now plummeted. državama, su dosad naglo pale.

Protectionist isolationism has gripped many industrialized foreign countries during the Protekcionistički isolacionizam zahvatio je mnoge industrijalizirane strane zemlje tokom

trade war launched by the US Smoot Hawley Act in 1930. trgovinskog rata započetog Američkim Hawley zakonom iz 1930.

By 1934 Yugoslav exports have fallen by 58%. Do 1934. Jugoslavenski izvoz je pao za 58%.

The German Banking Crisis of 1931 also impacts Yugoslavia. Njemačka bankarska kriza 1931. također utječe na Jugoslaviju.

The Austrian bank, Creditanstalt, whose collapse triggered the crisis in the first place, was Austrijska banka Creditanstalt, čiji kolaps pokreće krizu prije svega, bila je

the largest lender to Yugoslavia. najveći vjerovnik Jugoslavije.

As the domino effect topples bank after bank, any alternatives are eliminated, and Yugaolavia's Kako domino efekt ruši banku nakon banke, sve alternative su eliminisane, i jugoslavenski

pool of credit dries up. izvor kredita presušuje.

That could be mitigated somewhat by German Reparations, but the Hoover Moratorium, which To bi moglo biti donekle ublaženo njemačkim reparacijama, ali Hooverov Mpratorijum, koji

effectively ends Germany's reparations obligations also cancels the annual payment of $16 million praktično završava obaveze Njemačke reparacije također otkazuje godišnju isplatu od 16 miliona dolara koje

Yugoslavia receives. dobija Jugoslavija.

As always, economic difficulties drive political decisions in a new direction. Kao i uvijek, ekonomske poteškoće okreću političke odluke u novom smjeru.

France is pressuring Aleksander to return to democracy. Francuska pritišće Aleksandra da vrati demokratiju.

When in 1931 they offer a badly needed loan, under the condition of a new constitution, Kada 1931. oni ponude prijeko potreban zajam pod uslovom novog ustava,

the King agrees. kralj to prihvata.

But despite royal assurances, it's hardly a return to democracy. Ali uprskos kraljevskoj garanciji, teško da je to povratak demokratiji.

The highest goal of Yugoslav unity is used to justify hugely restrictive regulations Najveći cilj Jugolavenskog jedinstva je korišten da se opravdaju veoma restriktivni propisi

of the re-established "parliamentary" system. ponovno uspostavljenog "parlamentarnog" sistema.

New electoral rules are designed to prevent any tribal or religious parties remerging. Nova su izborna pravila osmišljena kako bi se spriječio ponovni uspon plemenskih ili vjerskih stranaka.

In practice, this means that no meaningful opposition can be elected at all. U praksi, to znači da se nikakva značajna opozicija uopšte ni ne može izabrati.

Candidates can only stand if they have support in every single one of the 306 electoral districts, Kandidati mogu to i ostati samo ako imaju podršku u svakom pojedinačnom od 306 izbornih okruga,

and can only run if they are on a government-approved list. i mogu se kandidirati samo ako su na listi odobrenoj od vlade.

A Senate system is also introduced, but this is similarly restrictive, with the King selecting Sistem Senata je također uveden, ali i ovo je slično restriktivno, jer kralj bira

half of the members personally and the loyal Banovina councils the rest. pola članova lično a vjerna vijeća banovina ostale.

The first election is announced for November 8, but only the government's party is allowed Prvi izbori su najavljeni za 8. novembar, ali samo vladajuća stranka je dozvoljena

to stand. da ostane.

Elections proceed despite a joint statement from leaders of the former major parties; Izbori se nastavljaju bez obzira na zajednički stav vođa bivših vodećih stranaka

the Radicals, the Agrarians, the Democrats, the Slovene People's Party, and the Yugoslav Radikala, Agrarne stranke, Demokrata, Slovenske Ljudske Stranke i Jugoslavenske

Muslim Organization declaring that the new constitution has changed nothing. Muslimanske Organizacije koje smatraju da novi ustav nije promijenio ništa.

Macek and his HSS are not signatories; instead, they author a leaflet calling on Croats to Maček i njegova HSS nisu potpisnici; umjesto toga, oni su napisali letak koji poziva Hrvate na

boycott the election. bojkot izbora.

In the run-up to voting day, the state apparatus does everything they can to encourage participation. U periodu pred izborni dan, državni aparat čini sve što može da potakne učešće.

The press reminds readers that failure to vote is a betrayal of the millions who died Štampa podsjeća čitatelje da je neizvršavanje glasanja izdaja miliona koji su umrli

for Yugoslavia in the Great War. za Jugoslaviju u Prvom svjetskom ratu.

Police also ramp up surveillance of any "tribalist" individuals and take action against anyone Policija pojačava nadzor nad bilo kojim "plemenskim" pojedincima i poduzima akcije protiv bilo koga

encouraging a boycott. ko potiče bojkot.

Predictably, the government party wins the election. Predvidivo, vladajuća stranka pobjeđuje na izborima.

In December it is given a name: Yugoslav Radical-Peasant Democracy, a cumbersome amalgamation of the U decembu dobija ime: Jugoslavenska Radikalna Seljačka Demokratija, nezgrapno spajanje

names of previous parties to provide some sense of continuity. imena prethodnih stranaka da bi se dobio osjećaj kontinuiranosti.

But this effort to force unity soon backfires. Ali ovaj napor da se prisili jedinstvo ubrzo se obija o glavu.

Factions now start to emerge within the single-party. Sada se počinju pojavljivati frakcije unutar jedinstvene stranke.

Some Croat deputies grow increasingly rebellious, and probe how far they can forward 'tribal' Neki hrvatski poslanici postaju sve buntovniji, i ispituju koliko daleko mogu progurati "plemenske"

interests and get away with it. interese i proći sa tim.

Some of the Serb deputies start planning for a revival of the Radical Party. Neki od srpskih poslanika počinju planirati oživljavanje Radikalne stranke.

In April 1932, as things continue to deteriorate, the King forces Prime Minister Zivkovic to U aprilu 1932., dok se stvari nastavljaju pogoršavati, kralj primorava premijera Živkovića da

retire. se penzioniše.

His successor only lasts a couple of months and is replaced in July by Milan Srskic. Njegov nasljednik traje svega nekoliko mjeseci i zamjenjen je u julu sa Milanom Srškićem.

But he won't really do much other than aggravate groups already resentful of the government. Ali on zapravo neće učiniti puno više nego ogorčiti grupe koje već zamjeraju vladi.

And resentful they are. A oni su već ozlojeđeni.

Despite the lack of organized resistance, spontaneous peasant riots are frequent in Uprkos nedostatku organizovanog otpora, spontani seljački nemiri su redovni u

1932. 1932.

In one incident near Ludbreg, 200 hundred angry Croat peasants march along a country U jednom incidentu u blizini Ludbrega, 200 ljutih hrvatskih seljaka maršira duž seoskog

road to personally confront the governor of their Banovina, all while waving Croatian puta da se lično suoči sa guvernerom njihove Banovine, sve dok mašu hrvatskim

flags and singing nationalist hymns. zastavama i pjevaju nacionalne himne.

Constitutional resistance re-emerges. Ustavni otpor se ponovo pojavljuje.

Frustrated by the lack of change, ex-politicians from the Croatian Peasant Party, Independent Frustrirani nedostatkom promjene, bivši političari iz Hrvatske Seljačke Stranke, Nezavisnih

Democrats, and other federalist and even separatist groups, draft the Zagreb Points in November Demokrata, i ostalih federalističkih ili čak separatističkih grupa, prave Zagrebačke punktacije u novembru

1932. 1932.

The resolution condemns royal absolutism and demands a reorganization of the state with Rezolucija osuđuje kraljevski apsolutizam i zahtijevaju reorganizaciju države

respect for autonomous interests. poštujući autonomne interese.

The resolution triggers similar demands from Slovene and Muslim leaders. Rezolucija pokreće slične zahtjeve slovenskih i muslimanskih lidera.

The King does make a small concession, loosening electoral regulations somewhat. Kralj pravi mali ustupak, pomalo popuštajući izborne propise

Other than this, however, nothing changes. Osim toga, međutim, ništa se ne mijenja.

No new elections are held, and Macek is again thrown into prison at the beginning of 1933. Nisu održani novi izbori, a Maček je ponovo bačen u zatvor početkom 1933.

The other Croat leader, Pribicevic, had been freed from his internment in 1931 because Drugi hrvatski lider, Pribičević, je oslobođen iz pritvora 1931. zbog

of ill health and allowed to emigrate. slabog zdravlja i dopuštena mu je migracija.

Free from the risk of prison, he will now mount an intense campaign against Aleksandar's Slobodan od rizika zatvora, on će sada pokrenuti intenzivnu kampanju protiv Aleksandrove

rule form abroad. vladavine iz inostranstva.

But there are more sinister forces for Aleksandar on the horizon. Ali, na horizontu su i zlobnije sile za Aleksandra.

There has always been another side to the Croat nationalism beyond the HSS and its constitutional Uvijek je postojala i druga strana hrvatskog nacionalizma osim HSS-a i njihove ustavne

politics. politike.

The most significant radical movement is the Croatian Party of Rights. Najznačajniji radikalni pokret je Hrvatska Stranka Prava.

Active since the mid-19th century, the Party of Rights espouses extreme Croat nationalism Aktivna od sredine 19. stoljeća, Stranka Prava zagovara ekstremni hrvatski nacionalizam

and anti-Serb feeling. i anti-srpski osjećaj.

Founded on the principle of a Greater Croatia, many of its leaders have denied the existence Osnovani na princilu Velike Hrvatske, mnogi njeni lideri su zanijekali postojanje

of separate Serb, Slovene, and Bosnian Muslim nationalities altogether, seeing them instead odvojenih Srpskih, Slovenskih, i Bošnjačkih nacionalnosti, videći ih umjesto toga

as Croats corrupted by foreign influence. kao Hrvate pokvarene stranim utjecajima.

The Party of Rights has never been able to build a mass movement, being side-lined by Stranka Prava nikada nije uspjela izgraditi masovni pokret, bivajući marginalizirana

the charismatic Radic and his peasant following. harizmatičnim Radićem i njegovom seljačkom pratnjom.

Many no longer live in Yugoslavia, and the ones in the country have been operating underground Mnogi više ne žive u Jugoslaviji, a oni u zemlji operišu u podzemlju

since Aleksandar's dictatorship began. otkako je počela Aleksandrova diktatura.

The more militant members both at home and abroad are now coalescing around Ante Pavelic. Militantniji članovi i u zemlji i u inozemstvu sada se okupljaju oko Ante Pavelića.

He is currently in exile making connections with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary On je trenutno u egzilu stvarajući veze sa Unutrašnjom Makedonskom Revolucionarnom

Organization, the IMRO a long-established militant movement for an autonomous Macedonia. Organizacijom, VMRO-m, odavno uspostavljenim militantnim pokretom za autonomnu Makedoniju.

This has resulted in Pavelic being sentenced in death in absentia, which only heightens Ovo rezultira Pavelićevom smrtnom osudom u odsustvu, što samo povećava

his radical credentials. njegove radikalne akreditive.

Even before he left Croatia, Pavelic had set up a rudimentary paramilitary group and an Čak i prije nego što je napustio Hrvatsku, Pavelić je uspostavio rudimentarnu paravojnu grupu i

underground newspaper. podzemne novine.

Now a more forceful movement gains importance under Pavic's leadership. Sada još snažniji pokret dobija na značaju pod Pavićevim vođstvom

Founded in 1930 it is called the Ustasa after the Croatian verb 'ustati' to rise up. Osnovan 1930. on je nazvan Ustaše po hrvatskoj riječi - ustati.

Its constitution is released in 1932 and declares that the "movement has the task to liberate Njihov je ustav objavljen 1932. godine i izjavljuje da "pokret ima zadatak oslobađanja

Croatia under foreign yoke, with all means, including an armed uprising, in order that Hrvatske stranog jarma, svim sredstvima, uključujući oružani ustanak, s ciljem da

it become a completely free and independent state on the whole of its historic ethnic ona postane potpuno slobodna i nezavisna država na cijelom svom historijskom erničkom

territory." teritoriju.

Pavelic and the Ustasa find natural allies in the growing fascist movement throughout Pavelić i Ustaše nalaze prirodne saveznike u rastućim fašističkim pokretima širom